SpanishRepublic2The Final Weeks of the Spanish Republic by Ignacio Iglesias (translated by Paul Sharkey). ISBN 978-1-873976-03-6. Available only on Kindle (£2.01)  (Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles) READ INSIDE!

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Some myths are long-lived, perhaps because they are fed by relentless partisan propaganda. One such myth credits Negrín and the communists alone with a will to resist throughout the civil war. A whole swathe of literature has made it its business to portray them as the very symbols of uncompromising opposition, of active, indefatigable resistance “with bread or without it”, “with guns or without them”, and so on, to General Franco and his side. Even today, so many years on, this nonsense is still being peddled; the reality is starkly different. To be honest, the policy of resistance was merely a mask behind which other designs were lurking; whilst harping on about it, the communists, ably abetted by Negrín, were picking off all the political organisations and personalities standing in the way of their quest for hegemony. Thus the POUM was liquidated, the CNT sidelined, the leftist faction creamed off from the Socialist Party, Largo Caballero brought down, first, followed by Indalecio Prieto. Meanwhile, even as the POUM was being publicly and thunderously denounced as having been in cahoots with the Nazis, the Communist Party of Spain’s sponsor, the Soviet Union, was entering into a dalliance with Hitler; and even as Prieto was being labelled a defeatist for searching for some sort of an arrangement whereby the war might be ended, Negrín had opened up channels to the enemy, as he himself later admitted. This riveting account of the last days of Republican Madrid under Juan Negrín  by Spanish Marxist journalist Ignacio Iglesias — a founder member of the revolutionary anti-Stalinist Party of Marxist Unification (POUM) and La Batalla journalist — first appeared in the Paris-based Spanish-language journal Interrogations No 1, December 1974.

Ignacio Iglesias

Contents: The myth of resistance; Negrín in the Centre-South Zone; The Double Conspiracy; The Communists; The Libertarians; The Military; The National Defence Council; Civil War Within the Civil War; The Fall of Madrid; Endnotes.

The cover photographs, top, show President Juan Negrín, centre, surrounded by his senior Communist military commanders: Lt Col. Enrique Líster (on Negrin’s left) and, on his right, Colonel Juan Modesto; behind Modesto is Colonel Antonio Cordón. Bottom right, March 6, 1939, Madrid: Cipriano Mera, anarchist commander of the IV Army Corp announcing the ousting of the CP/Stalinist-controlled Negrín government and the formation of the National Defence Council; (on Mera’s right, standing) Colonel Segismudo Casado, Councillor for Defence.

 

DurrutiFrontThe Death of Durruti by Joan Llarch (translated by Raymond Batkin); 174pp, 230mm x 152mm, photos/illustrations, bibliography and index, £9.95 (p+p UK £1.80; Europe £4.50; US/Canada £7.00). ISBN 978-1-873976-61-6, ChristieBooks, PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN34 1ZS (Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles) NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £2.65  READ INSIDE!

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Buenaventura Durruti was the most outstanding figure in Spanish anarchist history. Born in León on 14 July 1896, of Basque and Catalan parents,  he dedicated his life from the age of 16 until his untimely death at 40 to the struggle for justice, social revolution and the anarchist idea. It was his commitment to the ‘idea’ that led Durruti to spend the rest of his life in clandestinity, jail, exile and — ultimately — as the inspirational figurehead of the social revolution that confronted the clerical-fascist-military uprising of July 1936. Shortly after mid-day on 19 November 1936, at the height of the Francoist assault on Madrid, Durruti, accompanied by his driver and military advisers, was mortally wounded in mysterious circumstances and died in the early hours of 20 November. The circumstances surrounding his death have never been satisfactorily explained. La Muerte de Durruti (The Death of Durruti), first published in 1973,  remains, forty years on, the only book devoted, exclusively, to the events leading up to —  and after — the anarchist’s  death, some four months after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Written in the style of investigative journalism, the author sets out the many conflicting theories circulating at the time, and which have remained the subject of debate up to the present day. In addition he has interviewed those who either knew Durruti or had served in the Durruti column up to the time of his death

See also The Man Who Killed Durruti by Pedro de Paz (also available on Kindle)

 

OneMansWarFrontCoveraOne Man’s War in Spain. Trickery, Treachery and Thievery by Joaquín Pérez Navarro (Translated and Edited by Paul Sharkey) ISBN 978-1-873976-62-3, pp. 256,  229mm x 153mm, £12.95 inc p+p UK. (Europe €17,50; USA $17.00). ChristieBooks, PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN34 1ZS (Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles) NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE £2.67  READ INSIDE!

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The collected memoirs and documents in this book, penned or preserved by the author with such belief and ideological conviction over so very many years of effort, can be described as a masterwork. Without euphemism or any other sort of circumlocution, they bluntly set out facts that will come as a revelation to anyone who knows only the accounts sympathetic to those who had a hand in the loss of the Revolution and War in 1936–39 – works indeed often written by counter-revolutionaries themselves to conceal the malicious intent that they so cravenly pursued. The revolutionary structures of the anarcho-syndicalist and anarchist movement were undermined to their very roots by all its foes without and within, by Bolsheviks in particular and by the cohorts of the state in general.

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Ponzan1A 2004 BBC Radio 4 documentary on the role of the Spanish maquis in the French Resistance, an episode in the ‘Ramblings’ slot with excerpts of interviews with Nancy Wake, Peter Lake and Francis Cammaerts. Listen HERE

 

GomezPelaez2Santiago Carrillo – or history falsified by Fernando Gómez Peláez

(Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles)

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With the death last year (18 September 2012) of Santiago Carrillo, the former General Secretary of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) (1960-1982), we can expect a few biographies of the ‘father of Eurocommunism’ over the coming year or so. As a matter of record and in the interests of, as they say, ‘balance’, we have republished an extensive review — by ‘Frente Libertario’ editor, Fernando Gómez Peláez — of ‘Dialogue on Spain. Santiago Carrillo in interview with Regis Debray and Max Gallo’ (Lawrence & Wishart, London 1976). The review appeared, originally, in the Cienfuegos Press Anarchist Review (No, 4, Sanday, Orkney, 1978). Further information on Santiago Carrillo’s role in the Spanish Civil War— and subsequently — is available here:

-  La venganza mortífera sobre camaradas de partido:
http://blocs.tinet.cat/lt/blog/victor-garcia-g.-estanillo-el-brasileno/p

- Exiliados y maquis asesinados por el PCE:
http://angelmanuel-gonzalezfernandez.blogspot.com.es/2010/11/exiliados-y

- El protagonismo de Santiago Carrillo en la “Operación Reconquista de España”:
http://www.panzertruppen.org/heer/infanteria/armas/matadero.html

- La entrega de Julián Grimau a la policía:
http://www.elotropais.com/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=184&

- Desbancamiento de Fernando Claudín y Jorge Semprún en la lucha por el poder en el partido:
http://www.intereconomia.com/noticias-gaceta/opinion/cuando-carrillo-pur

- Desaparición gubernamental de sumarios judiliales que ponían en evidencia la política de Santiago Carrillo:
http://www.lasprovincias.es/valencia/20090215/valenciana/gobierno-hizo-d

Check also
http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Santiago_Carrillo
http://www.izquierdareaccionaria.com/2011/05/por-fin-el-libro-sobre-carrillo/

Constructive reviews of Paul Preston’s new biography of Carrillo — El Zorro Rojo. La vida de Santiago Carrillo

EL PAIS ; LA VANGUARDIA ; EL CONFIDENCIAL

 

 

 

jpg_HomenatgeJoanCatala_baixaQualitatJoan Català Balañà (1913-2012) One of the finest people-smugglers (‘passeurs’) who helped dozens flee the Nazis via Andorra and elsewhere in the Pyrenees during the Second World War. His life story is the stuff of movies. Born on 21 February 1913 in Llavorsí (Lérida province, Catalonia). During the Spanish Civil War he fought with the anarchist Durruti Column (26th Division)  and later, in 1937 operated as a guide and spy in the Alt Urgell area, working for the SIEP (Servicio de Información Especial Periférica/special services unit) with the Aragonese Francisco Ponzán. In March 1939, following the Francoist victory, he crossed into France where he was held in the Le Vernet concentration camp (Ariège department) but soon escaped to Andorra.

JOAN_CATALACatalá worked as a smuggler, but he soon met up again with  Ponzán and began working for the Allied secret services. Captured in Cadiz in 1940 he was jailed in Madrid’s El Cisne prison from which he escaped to Andorra, subsequently embarking on intense activity as a smuggler of foreign refugees, escapers and evaders. A great hill-walker, Catalá’s preference was for courier work. In 1941 he was recaptured in Barcelona’s Estación de Francia escorting two US airmen, but he escaped on his way to trial and returned safely to Andorra. Not that any of this interfered with his regular trips carrying papers and documents for the CNT.

His umpteenth escape came in December 1942 after he was captured while rendezvousing with an unsuspected Francoist informer. He was recaptured a few days later but a clerical error allowed him to slip out of Lerida prison. At the request of the British Consul he returned to smuggling people out of France via the town of Oceja. His preferred stop-over prior to embarking on a crossing of the Sierra del Cadí near Manresa was the  Jaume d’Alp hotel. On other occasions, Catalá crossed the border via the Alt Emporda district.

As WWII drew to an end Catalá still possessed the maverick nature that was so perfectly captured by the title of his autobiography El eterno descontento (Forever Restless). In 1944 he had been arrested in Adrall and sentenced to 12-years prison sentence in 1946 – of which he served less than one, breaking out of Carabanchel prison in March 1947 and escaping to France where he was arrested yet again for having no papers, although he was subsequently released, mainly due to his wartime record.

His irregular circumstances in post-war France meant meant he had a thin time of it. In 1951 he and a number of Spanish anarchist comrades were arrested, accused of involvement in a post office van robbery in Lyon in which a guard was killed. He served 15 years in French prisons after which he settled in Andorra — eventually, in Seu d’Urgell. On 11 April 2010 Joan Catalá Balaña received a warm tribute in recognition of a life-time of libertarian activism. He passed away on 14 October 2012 aged 98.

-       The Colectivo a les trinxeres / cnt (Madrid) No 394, November 2012

 

SouchyCover001WITH THE PEASANTS OF ARAGÓN. LIBERTARIAN COMMUNISM IN THE LIBERATED AREAS  by Augustin Souchy Bauer. ISBN 978-0-904564-21-1

 ‘Entre los Campesinos de Aragón: el Comunismo Libertario en las Comarcas Liberadas’. First published 1937, Barcelona, by Tierra y Libertad. Translated by Abe Bluestein.

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souchy1

Augustin Souchy Bauer (1892-1984)

In 1936-37 Augustin Souchy Bauer visited towns and villages in Aragón that, soon after July 19, 1936, began to live a lifestyle without precedent in all history. One after the other they collectivised the land and established libertarian communism, spontaneously — but with all due deliberation. The story of this trip that Souchy made together with Emma Goldman part of the way is a document of extraordinary importance not only for the facts presented but because it informs the reader of today how and in what circumstances an idea regarded as purely utopian until then became a reality .  .  . The reader will learn how an economic and social system developed that was truly communal and anti-authoritarian. Anarchists of the National Confederation of Labour and the Iberian Federation of Anarchists (CNT-FAI), socialists of the General Union of Workers (UGT) and individualists lived together in the same community in a way of life not even imagined until then.

 

‘Click’ para bajar pdf …

¿Qué le ha sucedido al criterio editorial del TLS (Times Literary Supplement)? ¿Qué diantre llevó al editor a encargar como reseña de El holocausto español de Paul Preston la patochada condescendientemente insultante de un apologeta profranquista como Michael Seidman?

Aparte de quejarse sobre el “descrédito hacia el capital moral de los nacionales” de Preston, la objeción principal de Seidman parece ser el uso del término “holocausto” para describir la carnicería provocada por los “oficiales rebeldes, pronto ayudados por Hitler y Mussolini” (implicando que ninguno de sus regimenes habrían sido cómplices de sus planes para derrocar a la República). Esta objeción al vocablo holocausto es, o bien una pedantería académica, o bien un medido intento político por parte de Seidman de apropiarse de manera excluyente e incontestable del término para su aplicación exclusiva a las víctimas judías del antisemitismo nazi — a costa de los otros 5, 6, o 7 millones de víctimas de la máquinaria asesina nazi: antifascistas (judíos y gentiles), intelectuales, socialistas, anarquistas, comunistas, liberales, testigo de Jehová, gitanos, disminuidos psíquicos o físicos, etc… entre enero de 1933 y mayo de 1945.

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TLS, September 7 2012

What has happened to editorial judgement at the TLS? What on earth led the editor to commission the patronisingly offensive twaddle from such a pro-Francoist apologist as Michael Seidman in his review of Paul Preston’s “The Spanish Holocaust”?

Apart from complaining about Preston’s ‘discrediting the moral capital of the Nationalists’, Seidman’s principal objection appears to be the use of the term “Holocaust” to describe the carnage triggered by the “rebellious officers, whom Hitler and Mussolini quickly aided” (the implication being that neither regime had been complicit in the plans to topple the Republic). This objection to the word Holocaust is either academic pedantry or a zealous political attempt by Seidman to ‘own’ the term on behalf, exclusively and of course unbidden, of the Jewish victims of Nazi anti-semitism at the expense of the other 5, 6 or 7 million victims of the Nazi killing machine — anti-Nazis (Jewish and non-Jewish), intellectuals, socialists, anarchists, communists, liberals, Jehovah’s Witnesses, gypsies, the mentally ill, the disabled, etc., etc. — between January 1933 and May 1945.

Continue reading »

 

 

October 1934. Face to face with the Guardia Civil © Helios Gómez

‘We do not make war just for the sake of making war. Were our movement compelled to be encapsulated by one blunt adjective that adjective would not be “warlike”, but “revolutionary”.

There is yet time for us to express ourselves in the most readily understood form possible. Definite facts and definite ideas must be given their proper names. There must be an end to this mistake of double entendres that complicate the dictionary. And the fact is that frequently a play on words is followed up by the fait accompli. “War” has been so loudly trumpeted as a synonym for “revolution” that we have been induced to invest in this war with all of the bellicose accoutrements that were always odious to us: the regular army and discipline. The same thing has happened with discipline in the proper sense. There have been comrades aplenty who, despite their bona fides, have flirted with the term and spoken to us of discipline while painting this in colours diametrically opposed to freedom.

This, far from rendering discipline more humane, is a bestialisation of freedom. It is not so very long ago that an attempt was made in our circles to peddle a version of discipline implying order and responsibility comparable with anarchy. Such an endeavour always called to our minds the idea of “good government” or “tutelary authority”, as opposed to despotic or blatantly authoritarian government. And just as it has not been possible to sort governments into good ones and bad ones — since in fact there are, rather, only bad ones and worse ones — we have come to learn with the passage of time that all discipline is a tributary of regimentation.

We aver that all wars are inauspicious. Were it our belief that we are making a war, we should be the first to desert. The fact is that war never erupts to the advantage of those who inflict and suffer its ravages.

We are not fighting here to advance anyone’s private interests, though there will be no shortage of elitists and aparatchiks who will seek to commandeer the fruits of our struggle and gamble on the ups and downs of our successes and our reverses, turning our rearguard into a stockjobbers’ lot.

Our fight is against privilege and not for the nation, a fight for liberty and not for the fatherland, a fight for anarchy and not for the Republic. We risk our lives for the collective good and not for a privileged caste. While one of us remains standing, the social revolution, which is the driving force behind our liberation movement, will never want for defenders and combatants, whether they use pen, fist, word or rifle.

‘Picking up the banner’ (after Gely Mikhailovich Korzhev-Chuvelev)

We do not make war; war is always made for the purposes of someone else, and fought out between the brethren who are poor in spirit. We make revolution for the benefit of all human beings and against the cliques who are hangovers from parasitism and self-centredness. And as we are making revolution, not one square metre of reconquered ground must be subtracted from the process of transformation, despite the froglike croaking of those whose lack of spirit and mettle inclines them to dabble in the stagnant waters of politicking.’

— Editorial from Acracia (Lleida), 1936-7

The CNT in the Spanish Revolution (Vol 1) by José Peirats Valls (676 pages), ISBN 978-1-901172-05-8  (Kindle eBook). Edited and introduced by Chris Ealham (Translated by Paul Sharkey and Chris Ealham) (5.90/$9.27/€7,32)  Kindle UK, Kindle US/Canada, Kindle Spain, Kindle France, Kindle Germany, Kindle Italy (Check here information on CNT … Volumes 2-3)

Contents of Volume 1 (1911-1936) (676 pages)
Glossary of organisations
The history of a history by Chris Ealham
Introduction to the First Edition by José Peirats Valls

Chapter One: From the Bellas Artes Congress to the Primo de Rivera dictatorship
Genesis of the CNT. The consequences of the August general strike. Spanish anarcho-syndicalism affirms its apolitical ideology. The Sants regional congress. The organised working class discovers its own might. The ‘La Canadiense’ strike. The employers’ backlash. The ‘lock-out’. The confederal congress in the La Comedia theatre. The CNT’s declaration of principles. The Confederation’s stance vis-à-vis the Russian Revolution. Provisional adherence to the Third International. The Río Tinto strike and the compact with the UGT. Reasons behind the breakdown of the alliance. The viceroyalty of Martínez Anido-Arlegui. The Lleida plenum. Delegations to Russia. The Zaragoza conference. The break with Moscow and adherence to the AIT. A chapter of errors. The victims of white terrorism.

Chapter Two: From the military Directory to the Second Republic
Impact of government terrorism. Loss of militants. The people execute the executioner of the Barcelona High Court. Unions repressed and shut down. The Vera de Bidasoa and Atarazanas incidents. The regime of preventive detention and show trials. Clandestine activity and doctrinal propaganda. First stirrings of reformism in the Confederation. The Peiró-Pestaña polemic. The anarchist conference of Valencia. The stance of the FAI. The backlash against reformism. The fall of the dictatorship. The union re-opened. Intensive reorganisational activity. The era of conspiracy. Joan Peiró and the Intel·ligència Republicana manifesto. The políticos and the CNT.

Casas Viejas, January 1933

Chapter Three: The Republic of Casas Viejas
14 April 1931. The end of the celebrations. Legalistic interval. Largo Caballero as Minister of Labour. The Law of 8 April. The Law for the Defence of the Republic and the Law against Vagrants and Deviants. The instruction to ‘fire at will’. The Confederation’s congress in the El Conservatorio. The crisis within the Confederation. Debate on the “National Industrial Federations”. “The CNT stance towards the Constituent Cortes”. The manifesto of the ‘Treinta’. The backlash against treintismo. The reactionary handiwork of Catalonia’s autonomous government. The insurrection of the miners of Figols. Deportations. The Terrasa events. Maura of the 108 deaths. The incidents of Maria Luisa park, Arnedo, Epila and Castilblanco. ‘Spain’s soul’ and the attempted military putsch of 10 August 1932. The Esquerra and its escamots. The revolt of 8 January 1933. The nature of this revolt. The republican-socialist repression. Casas Viejas! The Sabadell Plenum. The ‘Opposition Unions’. The Syndicalist Party. The expulsion of the Sabadell union. The ‘Committee to rebuild the CNT’. Muscovite intrigue thwarted.

Garrote-vil © Helios Gómez

Chapter Four: From the November elections to the October Revolution
The republican-socialist biennium assessed. The right fights back. The fall of the Azaña government. The dissolution of parliament and the November elections. The CNT’s abstentionist campaign. The left defeated at the polls. The rising of 8 December. The repression. The puppet government of Lerroux. Gil Robles, arbiter of the situation. The revisionist work of the new parliament. The socialists hoist on their own petard. The Public Order legislation. The ‘Spanish Lenin’. Evolution of the alliance question. The voice of Orobón Fernández. The National Plenum of Regionals Committees. The UGT urged to make public its revolutionary aspirations. The ‘pro-alliance’ stance of the Asturian Regional Committee of the CNT. Clauses of the revolutionary alliance between the CNT and the UGT in Asturias.

Asturias, October 1934 by Helios Gómez: the Asturian miners’ strike of 1934 was brutally repressed by the Republic’s colonial troops, mainly those of the Spanish Foreign Legion and Moroccan mercenaries under General Franco. Rape, looting and summary executions were the order of the day

Chapter Five: 6 October 1934 in Asturias and in Catalonia
The Asturian Revolution. Forces on the ground. Gijón and La Felguera. The socialist party assumes the reins. The CNT’s intensive involvement. The first crucial battles. The struggle in the mining basins and the march on Oviedo. The delicate position of the cenetistas in Gijón. War industry in La Felguera. The loss of Gijón, José María Martínez perishes. The troops of the Foreign Legion and the regulares advance with air support. The last manifesto from the Revolutionary Committee. Faces of the revolution. The movement elsewhere in Spain. The revolutionary programme of the PSOE. Catalonia’s 8 October. The repression.

Chapter Six: The end of the ‘black biennium’ and the Popular Front triumphant
The caretaker government of Portela Valladares. The build-up to the elections. 30,000 prisoners as an election issue. The Popular Front and the enigma of the Confederation. ‘Beware of the Red Card!’. The emergence of a climate favouring alliance. Catalonia’s unions urgently summoned to meet. The Regional Conference of unions. Historic document from the AIT. The CNT’s stance vis-à-vis the elections. The proposition on revolutionary alliances. The result of the elections. Agitation in military circles. A prophetic manifesto from the CNT National Committee. The transferral of power. A disgraceful memorandum from the Minister of War. ”The Spanish military are the very models of selflessness and loyalty”. Parliamentary exchanges. Azaña’s speech.

Chapter Seven: From the Zaragoza congress to 19 July 1936
The confederal congress in Zaragoza. The schism healed. Analysis of activities. The scheme for a revolutionary alliance. The CNT’s peasant membership and the agrarian reform. The Confederation’s concept of libertarian communism. Strikes, repression, provocations and attentats. The state of emergency and clamp-down on the press. General Franco on the horizon. The ‘belligerent’ government. The death of Calvo Sotelo. Mussolini, godfather of the revolt. The right declares civil war from the very floor of parliament. “Radio Valencia here!” The tragic jocularity of the Prime Minister.

Chapter Eight: Spain in flames
The revolt breaks out. The government boasts that it has the wherewithal to restore normality. The attitude of the Popular Front. Casares Quiroga steps down. The makeshift government of Martínez Barrio. The War Ministry offered to General Mola. The CNT response. The CNT crushes fascism in Barcelona. The epic contest in Madrid. The Delegates Junta in Valencia. How Zaragoza was brought to heel. Asturias and the ‘Mola Plan’. The Basque Country springs a surprise. Galicia the martyr. The battle for Andalusia. A map of Spain on 19 July. Bridge across the Straits. The race for Madrid. The glorious feats of the sailors.

Chapter Nine: The revolutionary achievement
The CNT-FAI victory in Catalonia. ‘Dictatorship or collaboration’. President Companys places himself in the hands of the CNT–FAI. The Anti-fascist Militias’ Committee. Durruti on the road to Zaragoza. “Comrade, do not allow yourself be disarmed!” The Local Federation of Unions orders a return to work. “Twenty centuries are watching us!” The revolutionary timidity of the superior committees. The revolution springs from the people. The unions get the wheels of industry and the economy rolling. The taboo on foreign holidays. Seizures and collectivisations. Foreign fleets standing by to intervene and mount a blockade. The revolution’s order. “Avengers, yes! Murderers, never!” Revolutionary justice. Blueshirt cannibalism.

Chapter Ten: The dilemma of revolution and war
The power and determination of the union. A manifesto from the CNT National Committee. The central government orders all call-up of conscripts. The draftees refused to return to the barracks. The CNT-FAI against the military mobilisation order. Mobilisation by Anti-Fascist Militias’ Committee. The Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils. The first CNT-FAI rally. The Control Patrols. The Economic Council. The New Unified School. The CNT, UGT, FAI and PSUC Liaison Committee. An article by Peiró: “Facing facts”.

Chapter Eleven: The CNT in the government of Catalonia
Largo Caballero as premier. The CNT is invited to collaborate. ‘The futility of the government’. The significance of the new cabinet. ‘First win the war‘. The CNT’s National Plenum of Regional Committees. The National Defence Council. The period of grace expires. Address to public opinion. The first Regional Plenum of the unions of Catalonia. The financial blockade. The CNT incorporated in the Generalitat government. Comments and explanations. Political declaration of the new government. The Anti-Fascist Militias’ Committee dissolved. Durruti in the rearguard and in the front lines. “We renounce everything, except victory”.

Chapter Twelve: The CNT in the government of the Republic
The Regional Council of Aragón. The Council’s declaration. Opposition from Stalinists and from the government. The evolution of the Council. The Basque Statute. The Asturian Regional Council. The CNT in the municipal councils. The pact with the communists. The rally in the Monumental bullring. The Collectivisations Decree. Peiró’s speech. The ‘transitional regime’. The CNT joins the central government. The cabinet reshuffle. The Confederation beatifies the government and the state. The fatalist mentality. Reactions from anarchists abroad. The natural bias.

Chapter Thirteen: Politics and revolution
Durruti in Madrid. The hero’s death. The government moves to Valencia. The Delegated Defence Junta. Towards the ‘’People’s Army’. The disarmament of the populace proceeds. The first clash. The Central Regional Committee’s statement on the Yagüe incident. The ‘Iron Column’ in the rearguard. A step towards trade union unity from above. “Either the government is surplus to requirements or the committees are”. The nation’s gold en route to Moscow. The Trojan horse of Soviet aid. The petite bourgeoisie. The apple of discord. Antonov-Ovseenko, polemicist. “How come no attack along the Aragón front?” The crisis in the Generalitat. Declaration by the CNT Regional Committee. The new ‘non-party’ government.

Chapter Fourteen: Consequences of the Confederation’s collaboration
Transfiguration of the CNT. Compromise and dualism. The government army in the rear. The Security militias. The return of the Alfonsine brass hats. The ‘dialectic of history’. The Unified Security Corps. The anarchist opposition. The organisational life of the Confederation. The first plenums. The Supply Committees. The crisis of functional federalism. The first regional congress of peasants. The confederal norms to be adhered to.

Chapter Fifteen: The Collectivisations
Review of the Spanish economy prior to 19 July. Foreign investment in Spain. Distribution of landed property. Agrarian reform and revolutionary collectivism. The revolution in the Catalan countryside. In the Aragonese countryside. In the Levante region. In Castile. The revolution in industry. Control committees. Collectivised enterprises. The family wage. Text of the Collectivisations Decree of 24 October 1936.

A chronology of José Peirats’s major writings

Index

LIVING UTOPIA (One of the finest documentaries on the social achievements of the Spanish Revolution of 1936-1937)

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