Apr 112014

BusquetsCoverNewAtado y bien atado por Juan Busquets (con la Asociación de Presos Políticos del Franquismo en Francia). Edición Kindle en Español, 2014 Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  —  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR! UK : £1.86 ; USA : $3.00 ; Germany : €2.26 ; France :  €2.26 ; Spain:  €2.26 ; Italy:  €2.26 ; Japan: ¥ 310 ; India: R180 : Canada: CDN$ 3.29 ; Brazil: R$6.71 ; Mexico: $39.01 ; Australia: $3.23

Juan Busquets, former guerrilla and author of Twenty Years in Franco’s Jails. An Anarchist in Franco’s Prisons, explains how Franco’s victims, especially the maquis, have been deliberately written out of history by Spain’s post-Francoist governments. His starting point is that the current monarchy is a continuation of Franco regime and that little has changed in the last 40 years in which Franco’s victims have been consistently sidelined and discriminated against by the stewards of the current Borbón monarchy: Suarez, Calvo Sotelo, Felipe Gonzalez, Aznar, Zapatero, Rajoy, and Montilla. The book tells of the author’s struggle to reclaim the memory of the anti-Francoist maquis, and his analysis of the post-Franco years of the dictator’s annointed successor, Juan Carlos Borbón y Borbón, the head of state charged with fulfilling Franco’s legacy for Spain, one that remains virtually intact — as the title indicates – ‘tightly tied and well trussed up’ (Atado y bien atado). Busquets (with additional texts from the ‘Association of Political Prisoners of Franco in France’ — APPFF), gives voice to the memories of another Spain: libertarian, republican, federal, secular, and confederal, and pays tribute to the thousands of imprisoned, exiled and murdered anti-Francoists who were silenced, ignored or demonised as bandits and terrorists. S.C.

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Jan 162014

Herbert Clark Hoover (August 10, 1874 – October 20, 1964), the 31st President of the United States (1929–1933).

On August 2, 1927, President Calvin Coolidge released to the nation his famous terse pronouncement: “I do not choose to run for President in 1928.”

To Coolidge’s consternation, the Republican Party took him at his word.1 The following June, in the oppressive heat of Kansas City, the listless perspiring delegates to the Republican National Convention nominated Herbert Clark Hoover on the first ballot as their Presidential candidate. The former Secretary of Commerce was elected on November 6, 1928.

In the opinion of the iconoclastic author, Calvin Coolidge, Hoover was simply a “fat Coolidge.” William Allen White summed up Hoover as an “adding machine.” Ferdinand Lundberg portrayed him as an “erstwhile vendor of shady mining stocks who before the war had been reprimanded by an English court for his role in a promotional swindle.”

While there was undeniable truth in each of these characterisations, none of them did full justice to the Thirtieth President of the United States.

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Apr 162013

Charles Robert Forbes (1878 -1952) — First Director of the U.S. Veterans’ Bureau

V — I. “The Real Old Times”

One month after the inauguration of President Harding, a certain Colonel Charles R. Forbes showed up in the nation’s capitol. He was a ruddy-faced, hard-drinking, swaggering adventurer, with a penchant for spinning extravagant yarns and an easy way with members of the opposite sex. During the war he had been decorated with the Croix de Guerre and the Distinguished Service Medal. His chequered career had also included desertion from the U. S. Army, crooked ward politics on the West Coast, shady operations as a business contractor, and several years of lucrative underhand dealings as a public official in the Philippine Islands.

The reason Colonel Forbes came to Washington in the early spring of 1921 was that President Harding himself had summoned him . . .

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Apr 092013

       For twelve years this Nation was afflicted with hear- nothing, see-nothing, do-nothing Government. The Nation looked to the Government but the Government looked away. Nine mocking years with the golden calf and three long years of the scourge! Nine crazy years at the tickertape and three long years in the breadlines! Nine mad years of mirage and three long years of despair!  

President Franklin D. Roosevelt
October 31, 1936

Warren Gamaliel Harding (November 2, 1865 – August 2, 1923), the 29th President of the United States (1921–1923)

I. The Making of a President

The Republican National Convention, which took place in June 1920 in Chicago, Illinois, was a most extraordinary affair.

The Presidency was for sale,” writes Karl Schriftgiesser in This Was Normalcy, “The city of Chicago, never averse to monetary indecencies, was jam-packed with frenzied bidders, their pockets bulging with money with which to buy the prize. The Coliseum became a market place, crowded with stock gamblers, oil promoters, mining magnates, munition makers, sports promoters, and soap makers . . . The lobbies and rooms of the Loop hotels were in a turmoil as the potential buyers of office scurried about lining up their supporters, making their deals, issuing furtive orders, passing out secret funds.”


Harry Ford Sinclair, head of Sinclair Oil Company

Among the captains of industry and finance who had flocked into the Windy City to make sure the Republican Presidential candidate was a man to their taste were Harry F. Sinclair, head of the Sinclair Oil Company, who had already invested $75,000 in the Republican campaign and was to put up another $185,000 before the campaign was over; Judge Elbert H. Gary, Chairman of the Board of Directors of U.S. Steel, whose name had figured prominently in the smashing of the 1919 steel strike; Samuel M. Vauclain,  president of the Baldwin Locomotive Company; Thomas W. Lamont, partner in the firm of J. P. Morgan and Company; Edward L. Doheny, president of the Pan American Petroleum Company; and William Boyce Thompson, the copper magnate, who had recently returned from Soviet Russia, where as head of the American Red Cross mission he had staked $1,000,000 of his own money  in an effort to stem the tide of the Russian Revolution.

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Apr 032013

GreatDeceptionTHE GREAT DECEPTION. How Parliamentary Democracy Duped the WorkersDonovan Pedelty (ISBN 978-1-873976-00-5),  £2.71, ChristieBooks. PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN341ZS. First published by Prometheus Press, Powys, Wales, in 1997 as The Rape of Socialism. This fully revised ChristieBooks (Kindle eBook) edition published 2013   Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE

UK : £2.71 ; USA : $4.12 ; Germany€3,21 ; France€3,21 ; Spain€3,21 ; Italy : €3,21 ; Japan : ¥ 377 ; Canada : CDN$ 4.07 ; Brazil : R$ 8,09

‘An elegantly argued and searing indictment of the economic and sociological background of the British political system of “representative” democracy in general, and parliamentary socialism in particular. The first hundred pages or so examine the evolution of the British Conservative Party over the past two centuries; the remaining four-fifths of the book focuses on the British Labour Party and how it corrupted the socialist ideal. An important and challenging book that should be read by ANYONE interested in politics, especially those who put their faith in the “Labour Movement”’ — Stuart Christie

A hundred years or so ago socialist thinking, in tune with the rising tide of labour protest, presented a serious challenge to the capitalist hegemony. However much they differed over ultimate objectives and how to reach them, the socialists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were at one in their conviction that possessive, individualistic, capitalism would have to be overcome to establish a just, equitable and sane society. They were equally certain that the huge advance in productive capacity which capitalism had helped to bring about, by proving that poverty could be abolished, had made such a transformation possible, immediately or at least within the near future.

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Apr 022013

The early Catholic influence on movements for European integration can be seen in the flag of today’s European Union; the design of a circle of stars on a field of blue was derived from the halo of twelve stars crowning the Virgin Mary in Catholic (Paneuropean Union –PEU) iconography. Arsène Heitz, the designer of the flag adopted in 1955, said that “the flag of Europe is the flag of Our Lady”. The symbol surrounded by stars is the seal of Charlemagne (as used by the Académie Européenne des Sciences Politiques (AESP).

ROGUE AGENTS. Habsburg, Pinay and the Private Cold War 1951–1991 (ISBN 978-1-873976-01-2), David Teacher.  First published in 1993. This fully revised eBook (Kindle) edition (3rd edition) published 2013 by ChristieBooks. PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN341ZS.

UK : £2.71 ; USA : $4.12 ; Germany€3,21 ; France€3,21 ; Spain€3,21 ; Italy : €3,21 ; Japan : ¥ 377 ; Canada : CDN$ 4.07 ; Brazil : R$ 8,09

The Cercle Pinay was founded in the early 1950s as an elite clandestine forum to promote the vision of a Catholic and conservative Europe and to oppose the threat of Communism. Shrouded in secrecy, the Cercle brought together statesmen such as Antoine Pinay, Konrad Adenauer, Franz-Josef Strauss, Giulio Andreotti, Otto von Habsburg, Henry Kissinger and David Rockefeller, as well as top figures from the U.S. and European intelligence services.

Following the rise of student counter-culture in the 1960s, the Cercle focused on domestic subversion, using its network of propagandists and intelligence operatives to smear progressive politicians such as Willi Brandt, François Mitterrand, Harold Wilson and Jimmy Carter and to promote their favoured candidates: Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Giscard d’Estaing and Franz-Josef Strauss. Throughout the 1970s, the Cercle also worked to defend apartheid South Africa and Franco’s Spain. After the electoral victory of the Right in 1979-1980, the Cercle targeted peace campaigners and the new Soviet regime under Mikhail Gorbachev, playing a key part in the fall of the Iron Curtain and then ensuring the integration of Eastern Europe into the European Union.

In a groundbreaking twenty-five year investigation, the author lifts the veil of secrecy to reveal the unseen rôle played by the Cercle and its allies in shaping the Western world as we know it today.


Dec 302012

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ABCoverYou can’t reform profit capitalism and inhumanity. Just kick it till it breaks.’

Angry Brigade, communiqué 8.

Between 1970 and 1972 the Angry Brigade used guns and bombs in a series of symbolic attacks against property. A series of communiqués accompanied the actions, explaining the choice of targets and the Angry Brigade philosophy: autonomous organisation and attacks on property alongside other forms of militant working class action. Targets included the embassies of repressive regimes, police stations and army barracks, boutiques and factories, government departments and the homes of Cabinet ministers, the Attorney General and the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police.

These attacks on the homes of senior political figures increased the pressure for results and brought an avalanche of police raids. From the start the police were faced with the difficulty of getting to grips with a section of society they found totally alien. And were they facing an organisation — or an idea?

This book covers the roots of the Angry Brigade in the revolutionary ferment of the 1960s, and follows their campaign and the police investigation to its culmination in the ‘Stoke Newington 8′ conspiracy trial at the Old Bailey — the longest criminal trial in British legal history.

Gordon Carr produced the BBC documentary on the Angry Brigade and followed it up with this book. Written after extensive research — among both the libertarian opposition and the police — it remains the essential study of Britain’s first urban guerrilla group. This expanded edition contains a comprehensive chronology of the ‘Angry Decade’, extra illustrations and a police view of the Angry Brigade. Introductions by Stuart Christie and John Barker (two of the ‘Stoke Newington 8′ defendants) discuss the Angry Brigade in the political and social context of its times — and its longer-term significance.

Mar 042012

ISBN:978-84-9942-001-1/522 pages

Paul Sharkey has brought another important recent book on Spain to my attention. This one focuses on the blood price of the much-lauded and so-called ‘peaceful’ 8-year transition from Francoism to a ‘well-tied-up’ and Franco-endorsed monarchic democracy, a period in which upwards of 600 people were murdered for ‘reasons of state’. ‘La transición sangrienta’ (‘Bloody Transition. A violent history of the democratic process in Spain 1975-1983) — by 58-year old journalist and lecturer Mariano Sánchez Soler —  exposes the vicious policies implemented by the unchanging repressive organs of the rump of the Francoist state, desperate to avoid justice and to retain its power and privileges. The author traces the links between the Establishment’s ‘dirty war’ against ETA, GRAPO and other anti-State groups during the eight-year period that saw the regime revert to state-sponsored covert terrorism (GAL — Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación — Anti-terrorist Liberation Groups) backed up by special criminal legislation, and a systematic policy of brutal repression bearing the hallmarks of the immediate post-civil war period —  all deployed to control the streets and political opposition to the disgraceful ‘Pact of Silence’ that gave immunity to some of the bloodiest criminals in European history since 1945. The victims of Francoist violence have suffered a double-death; they have been murdered, and their murders — and murderers — ignored!

 Interview with Mariano Sánchez Soler


Feb 212012

La Patagonia Rebelde (Rebel Patagonia) by Osvaldo Bayer (click to read)

Patagonia rebelde (or Patagonia trágica) (written by Osvaldo Bayer) was a violent suppression of a rural worker’s strike in the Argentine province of Santa Cruz in Patagonia between 1921 and 1922. The uprising was put down by Colonel Héctor Benigno Varela’s 10th Cavalry Regiment of the Argentine Army under the orders of Hipólito Yrigoyen. Approximately 1,500 rural workers were shot and killed by the Army in the course of the operations, many of them executed by firing squads at Estancia San José. Most of those executed were Chilean and Spaniard workers who had sought refuge in Patagonia after their strike in southern Chile in 1920 was brutally suppressed by the Chilean authorities.

Patagonia rebelde 1 ; Patagonia rebelde 2 ; Patagonia rebelde 3 ; Patagonia rebelde 4 ; Patagonia rebelde 5 ; Patagonia rebelde 6 ; Patagonia rebelde 7 ; Patagonia rebelde 8; Patagonia rebelde 9 ; Patagonia rebelde 10 ; Patagonia rebelde 11

Jan 302012

Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura, Piazza Fontana, Milan, December 12, 4.37 p.m. 1969

The Piazza Fontana massacre of 12 December 1969 is a crucial milestone in post-war Italian history. It was on that date that the criminal intentions of a political class — which demonstrated it would shrink from nothing to cling on to power in the face of ‘the onward march of communism’ — was made flesh. This class did not baulk at leaving a trail of corpses in its wake in order to prevent its leadership being called into question. The Piazza Fontana massacre is not some ‘obscure episode’ in Italy’s history — ‘the nightfall of the republic’. It is a clearly defined chapter whose narrative is that dead bodies are preferable to political change and over the years that followed many more would perish — mainly at the hands of the right, but also some at the hands of the left. It was a perverted game. The right had attacked, therefore the left had a duty to retaliate, thereby cranking up the ‘index of conflict’.

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