Feb 272014
 
AntonioCastro

Antonio Castro (Fidel’s son): international golf champion, Habanero mover and shaker, and champion of the Castroite Cuban ‘buro-bourgeoisie’ and bon-viveurs…

CL28    Mais où sont les neiges d’antan?  After rejecting calls for a ‘more rapid move toward the implementation of Socialism’, Raúl Castro announced (in January) the inauguration of the Mariel ‘Special Development Zone’, a commercial/industrial business zone in which the now mature Cuban ruling class (men such as Castro’s son Antonio Castro) can invite foreign entrepreneurs, rentier capitalists and bankers to invest in Cuba. Presumably with the aim of building capitalism in one country …

 

Jan 032014
 

ThreeJapAnsKotuko, Osugi y Yamaga: tres anarquistas Japoneses by Victor García (in Spanish). ISBN 978-1-873976-68-5. First published in September 1975 by ‘Ruta’, Venezuela. This eBook (Kindle edition) is published by ChristieBooks in conjunction with the Grupo Cultural de Estudios Sociales de Melbourne and Acracia Publications —  Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £1.87/€2.25/$3.00  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR!

UK : £1.87 ; USA : $3.00 ; Germany : €2.25 ; France :  €2.25 ; Spain:  €2.25 ; Italy:  €2.25 ; Japan: ¥ 316 ; India: R186.00 : Canada: CDN$ 3.21 ; Brazil: R$7.01 ; Mexico: $39.17 ; Australia: $3.38

In his 1975 work the late Víctor García (as editor of the anarchist youth (FIJL) paper Ruta) profiled three important Japanese libertarians whose struggles took place during what might be described as the heroic age of the organised anarchist movement in Japan (1903-1937). It was a period in which many of them died challenging the cruel and despotic Mikado regime.

The three freedom fighters he selected from this period were: Denjiro Kotoku, Sakai Osugi and Taiji Yamaga, chronologically placed at the beginning, middle and the end of that heroic time frame in order to give Westerners some insight into the anarchist movement in Japan.

AlberolaGerminalCaracas1960

Caracas, Venezuela, 1960: Victor García (left) and Octavio Alberola

Víctor García, considered by some to be the Marco Polo of the international anarchist movement (because of his extensive travels), visited Japan in 1957 and again in 1974. During his first visit he was welcomed by the last of the anarchist biographees — Taiji Yamaga — with whom he spent three months travelling to many cities and towns in the archipelago (except Hokkaido) being presented to most of the survivors of the Japanese libertarian movement. On his second visit in 1957, Víctor García interviewed more old and new militants to glean the material for the present work and for his more substantial (600+ pages) study of Japanese anarchism, ‘Museifushugi’, which was translated by Paul Sharkey and edited, substantially expanded and enhanced by ‘Wat Tyler’, an English teacher — a comrade —living in Osaka. ‘Museifushugi’ was originally scheduled for publication in 1981 by Cienfuegos Press but had to be scrapped when the printer ‘lost’ the corrected galleys in a fire — and refused to re-set the book. Fortunately, we have recently salvaged the corrected text and it is currently being re-proofed and further updated by Wat Tyler, Victor Garcia’s joint author and original English-language editor. It should be available in Kindle format sometime later this year.

ThreeJapspic

Left to right: Denjiro Kotoku, Sakae Osugi, Taiji Yamaga, and Taiji Yamaga with Victor Garcia (pseudonym of Tomás Germinal Gracia Ibars, a founder of the Catalan Libertarian Youth – JJLL – and one of the most prolific writer/activists of the Spanish anarchist movement)

Dec 142013
 

Los Manoscover2LOS MAÑOS: ANATOMY OF AN ACTION GROUP by Freddy Gómez with Mariano Aguayo Morán — interviewed in September 1976 and translated by Paul Sharkey. Appendix: Mariano Aguayo Morán — interviewed on 18 February 1992 by Antonio Téllez about the formation of the Los Maños group; also translated by Paul Sharkey. ISBN 978-1-873976-67-8. Published in 2013 by ChristieBooks —  Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £1.88/€2.26/$3.00  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR!

UK : £1.88 ; USA : $3.00 ; Germany : €2.26 ; France :  €2.26 ; Spain:  €2.26 ; Italy:  €2.26 ; Japan: ¥ 309 ; India: R184.00 : Canada: CDN$ 3.19 ; Brazil: R$7.00 ; Mexico: $38.00; Australia: $3.30

In 1945 Mariano Aguayo Morán (1922 -1994) who had been active in a small group of anarchists and socialists, took up the armed struggle against Franco. Imprisoned for a few months in 1948, he moved to Barcelona in February 1949 and joined the Los Maños anarchist action group (maño being a slang term for natives of Aragon) led by Wenceslao Giménez Orive “Wences” and “Jimeno”, Simón Gracia Fleringan, Plácido Ortiz, Salgado, D. G. M., “Rodolfo”, César Saborit Carrelero and the traitor Aniceto Pardillo Manzanero. On March 2 1949, in Barcelona, Wences, José López Penedo, Carlos Vidal Pasanau together with Francisco and José Sabaté Llopart, ambushed what they believed to be the car of Eduardo Quintela, head of the Francoist secret police (Brigada Politico Social – BPS) in Catalonia; they killed, instead, the secretary of the Falangist Youth Front, Manuel Piñol and his driver. Subsequently the group carried out a string of armed robberies in Madrid, Malaga, Seville and in France in order to fund an attempt on the life of Franco as he drove to his residence at the royal palace on Mount Pardo. A few months later they made a second, equally unsuccessful, attempt to blow up Franco’s convoy as it made its way up the steep winding road at La Cuesta de la Muela between Zaragoza and Madrid. Following their return to Barcelona on 2 January 1950 the group was betrayed by a disaffected member, Aniceto Pardillo Manzanero (The Kid), and most were arrested on 9 January, shortly after Wences took poison and killed himself when he was shot and wounded in a police trap. Simón Gracia Fleringan was executed in Barcelona by firing squad on December 24 1950 together with  Victoriano Muñoz Tresserras and Plácido Ortiz Gratal. Their bodies were thrown into a common, unmarked, grave. Mariano Aguayo was fortunate to have been in Paris when the group was betrayed in Barcelona.

Mariano Aguayo 1

Mariano Aguayo Morán

This interview with Mariano Aguayo Morán, in September 1976, provided an opportunity to get to grips with the history of the libertarian anti-Franco resistance in the crucial years after the war (1946-1950), the Second World War having inspired high but ultimately disappointed hopes at a time when, after the Nazi and Italian fascist regimes had been defeated, the Franco regime looked likely to be next in line to fall. The ‘Los Maños’ group, which grew out of the close friendship between two young men from the working class El Arrabal district of Zaragoza, was soon wedded to the cause of anarchist activism and drawn into the nebulous libertarian resistance of which Quico Sabaté (1915-1960) and José Luis Facerias (1920-1957) were then the two emblematic representatives.

The main purpose behind this interview is not to extoll the praises of the shadow warriors from those times, but to learn from the story of the ‘Los Maños’ group, as told by one of its protagonists, of the difficult circumstances in which such resistance occurred, and understand the problems with which it had to grapple. There, to our way of thinking, is where its morsel of human truth resides.

Freddy Gómez

May 212013
 
Costantini2

Flavio Costantini: self portrait. Tempera, 1980

Sad news today: after a month’s deterioration in his health, Flavio Costantini, graphic artist and friend of 40-years, passed away peacefully in a Rapallo hospice on Monday 20 September. His wife, Wanda, and other close family members and friends were at his bedside. Flavio had lung cancer for some time; the seriousness of his condition, however, was known only to himself and Wanda — until near the end, which came sooner than everyone expected. He leaves cheery memories, and the world — artistically at least, with his visually thought-provoking images — a richer place …

Continue reading »

Dec 042012
 

December 2012

Dear Mr. President Obama: I wrote the following letter when you were first elected, but it looks as if it got filed away in one of your bureaucrats’ drawers. As the subject remains unresolved I write to you again with the same stress and feelings as the previous letter. I hope this time you take on board the extradition issue and return to Bolivians the trust in justice which you have preached and which I hope is not only paying lip service or electoral campaign point.

Continue reading »

Nov 102012
 

Camilo Cienfuegos (February 6, 1932 – October 28, 1959)

 

Click for PDF

CUBA libertaria n° 27 del GALSIC (Grupo de Apoyo a los libertarios y sindicalistas independientes de Cuba), en el que, bajo el título común “Cuba: ¿qué democracia?” se pueden leer una serie de artículos y comentarios en torno al debate que se ha abierto en Cuba sobre el devenir de la “democracia” tras la divulgación de un documento (1), elaborado por un grupo de las más variadas tendencias políticas de la oposición, demandando “un diálogo nacional, abierto, transparente, pluralista y sin condiciones para poder acometer constructivamente el desafío que nos presenta la actual crisis”.

“Un documento que ha tenido la virtud de abrir el debate entre, por lo menos, los más activos representantes de esta oposición tan heterogénea que comienza a manifestarse de más en más abiertamente en la isla; pero que también ha puesto de manifiesto discrepancias fundamentales en su seno. Pues si bien todos coinciden en la urgente necesidad de la descentralización y desburocratización de la vida política del país en manos de la minoría que ocupa los principales cargos del Partido y del Estado, no todos están de acuerdo en cómo hacer posibles esos deseos y hasta dónde debe llegar la democratización… Discrepancias que han suscitado polémicas que nos parecen deben ser conocidas por nuestros lectores. De ahí que reproduzcamos las puntualizaciones, sobre este documento, de un compañero libertario que no lo firmó, así como un resumen de los comentarios que tales puntualizaciones provocaron y una serie de enlaces a textos exponiendo las diferentes sensibilidades que se han ido manifestando en este debate”.

Además de estos materiales del debate que se desarrolla al margen de la parodia del “debate público” sobre el “perfeccionamiento del socialismo” “abierto” por Raúl Castro ante la evidencia de que el país se encuentra al borde del “precipicio” (2), este número incluye un artículo sobre el delito de opinión en la reciente Reforma Migratoria y otro sobre el funcionamiento de Internet en la isla.

(1) Llamamiento urgente por una Cuba mejor y posible

(2) “O rectificamos o ya se acabó el tiempo de seguir bordeando el precipicio, nos hundimos y hundiremos, como dijimos con anterioridad, el esfuerzo de generaciones enteras…” – Raúl Castro Ruz, Palacio de las Convenciones, 18 de diciembre de 2011.

Nov 032012
 

Agustín García Calvo (Zamora, Spain, Oct. 15, 1926 — Zamora, Spain, 1 Nov. 2012)

Agustín García Calvo, Paris, Belleville, 2002 (portrait by Ariane Gransac)

Philologist, philosopher, writer, lifelong rebel, revolutionary and comrade, Agustín García Calvo was expelled by the Francoist authorities from his chair of Classical Languages at Madrid University for his support of the nascent student anti-Francoist movement in 1964-1965. In 1967 he was, perhaps, the leading light in the formation of the ‘Acratas’, an important Spanish anarchist student grouping that was part of the Europe-wide radical and revolutionary movement of the time. Nor did Garcia Calvo confine himself to the role of thinker, speaker and writer — he was also an activist prepared to put himself on the line. In the early 1970s he was an important liaison between the ‘Angry Brigade’, the ‘First of May Group’ (Grupo Primero de Mayo) and other European anti-Francoist/anti-capitalist action groups operating at the time and in this role was investigated as a ‘revolutionary facilitator’ by both the Metropolitan Police Special Branch (as it then was) and the French Direction de la Surveillance du Territoire (DST). In 1971 our imprint ‘Simian’ published his reflections and speculations on the nature of the 1960s/’70s’ student revolt under the title ‘On How The Student Movement Is Re-Absorbed’ (original title ‘De los modos de integración del pronunciamento estudantil’).  (A fuller appreciation by Octavio Alberola follows)

Continue reading »

Aug 132012
 

The British Council and the Edinburgh Writers Conference

On a recent Sunday the Herald had a twenty page full colour supplement in association with the Scottish Tourist Board. Stories from the land that inspired Disney Pixar’s Brave. That’s us. The land “Where Legends Come to Life”. People wonder why we get irritated occasionally. It isn’t to do with the movie itself. I havent even seen it. The storyline involves loveable indigenous aristocrats, which is familiar: the kind of shite favoured by Scottish politicians, cuddly comedians and cuddly actors, cuddly rockstar rebels, millionaire sportstars and, of course, the cuddly ruling elite. This particular movie has a royal daughter hero rather than a royal son, which appeals to some as a blow for female emancipation, apparently.

Continue reading »

Jul 162012
 

 

October 1934. Face to face with the Guardia Civil © Helios Gómez

‘We do not make war just for the sake of making war. Were our movement compelled to be encapsulated by one blunt adjective that adjective would not be “warlike”, but “revolutionary”.

There is yet time for us to express ourselves in the most readily understood form possible. Definite facts and definite ideas must be given their proper names. There must be an end to this mistake of double entendres that complicate the dictionary. And the fact is that frequently a play on words is followed up by the fait accompli. “War” has been so loudly trumpeted as a synonym for “revolution” that we have been induced to invest in this war with all of the bellicose accoutrements that were always odious to us: the regular army and discipline. The same thing has happened with discipline in the proper sense. There have been comrades aplenty who, despite their bona fides, have flirted with the term and spoken to us of discipline while painting this in colours diametrically opposed to freedom.

This, far from rendering discipline more humane, is a bestialisation of freedom. It is not so very long ago that an attempt was made in our circles to peddle a version of discipline implying order and responsibility comparable with anarchy. Such an endeavour always called to our minds the idea of “good government” or “tutelary authority”, as opposed to despotic or blatantly authoritarian government. And just as it has not been possible to sort governments into good ones and bad ones — since in fact there are, rather, only bad ones and worse ones — we have come to learn with the passage of time that all discipline is a tributary of regimentation.

We aver that all wars are inauspicious. Were it our belief that we are making a war, we should be the first to desert. The fact is that war never erupts to the advantage of those who inflict and suffer its ravages.

We are not fighting here to advance anyone’s private interests, though there will be no shortage of elitists and aparatchiks who will seek to commandeer the fruits of our struggle and gamble on the ups and downs of our successes and our reverses, turning our rearguard into a stockjobbers’ lot.

Our fight is against privilege and not for the nation, a fight for liberty and not for the fatherland, a fight for anarchy and not for the Republic. We risk our lives for the collective good and not for a privileged caste. While one of us remains standing, the social revolution, which is the driving force behind our liberation movement, will never want for defenders and combatants, whether they use pen, fist, word or rifle.

‘Picking up the banner’ (after Gely Mikhailovich Korzhev-Chuvelev)

We do not make war; war is always made for the purposes of someone else, and fought out between the brethren who are poor in spirit. We make revolution for the benefit of all human beings and against the cliques who are hangovers from parasitism and self-centredness. And as we are making revolution, not one square metre of reconquered ground must be subtracted from the process of transformation, despite the froglike croaking of those whose lack of spirit and mettle inclines them to dabble in the stagnant waters of politicking.’

— Editorial from Acracia (Lleida), 1936-7

The CNT in the Spanish Revolution (Vol 1) by José Peirats Valls (676 pages), ISBN 978-1-901172-05-8  (Kindle eBook). Edited and introduced by Chris Ealham (Translated by Paul Sharkey and Chris Ealham) (5.90/$9.27/€7,32)  Kindle UK, Kindle US/Canada, Kindle Spain, Kindle France, Kindle Germany, Kindle Italy (Check here information on CNT … Volumes 2-3)

Contents of Volume 1 (1911-1936) (676 pages)
Glossary of organisations
The history of a history by Chris Ealham
Introduction to the First Edition by José Peirats Valls

Chapter One: From the Bellas Artes Congress to the Primo de Rivera dictatorship
Genesis of the CNT. The consequences of the August general strike. Spanish anarcho-syndicalism affirms its apolitical ideology. The Sants regional congress. The organised working class discovers its own might. The ‘La Canadiense’ strike. The employers’ backlash. The ‘lock-out’. The confederal congress in the La Comedia theatre. The CNT’s declaration of principles. The Confederation’s stance vis-à-vis the Russian Revolution. Provisional adherence to the Third International. The Río Tinto strike and the compact with the UGT. Reasons behind the breakdown of the alliance. The viceroyalty of Martínez Anido-Arlegui. The Lleida plenum. Delegations to Russia. The Zaragoza conference. The break with Moscow and adherence to the AIT. A chapter of errors. The victims of white terrorism.

Chapter Two: From the military Directory to the Second Republic
Impact of government terrorism. Loss of militants. The people execute the executioner of the Barcelona High Court. Unions repressed and shut down. The Vera de Bidasoa and Atarazanas incidents. The regime of preventive detention and show trials. Clandestine activity and doctrinal propaganda. First stirrings of reformism in the Confederation. The Peiró-Pestaña polemic. The anarchist conference of Valencia. The stance of the FAI. The backlash against reformism. The fall of the dictatorship. The union re-opened. Intensive reorganisational activity. The era of conspiracy. Joan Peiró and the Intel·ligència Republicana manifesto. The políticos and the CNT.

Casas Viejas, January 1933

Chapter Three: The Republic of Casas Viejas
14 April 1931. The end of the celebrations. Legalistic interval. Largo Caballero as Minister of Labour. The Law of 8 April. The Law for the Defence of the Republic and the Law against Vagrants and Deviants. The instruction to ‘fire at will’. The Confederation’s congress in the El Conservatorio. The crisis within the Confederation. Debate on the “National Industrial Federations”. “The CNT stance towards the Constituent Cortes”. The manifesto of the ‘Treinta’. The backlash against treintismo. The reactionary handiwork of Catalonia’s autonomous government. The insurrection of the miners of Figols. Deportations. The Terrasa events. Maura of the 108 deaths. The incidents of Maria Luisa park, Arnedo, Epila and Castilblanco. ‘Spain’s soul’ and the attempted military putsch of 10 August 1932. The Esquerra and its escamots. The revolt of 8 January 1933. The nature of this revolt. The republican-socialist repression. Casas Viejas! The Sabadell Plenum. The ‘Opposition Unions’. The Syndicalist Party. The expulsion of the Sabadell union. The ‘Committee to rebuild the CNT’. Muscovite intrigue thwarted.

Garrote-vil © Helios Gómez

Chapter Four: From the November elections to the October Revolution
The republican-socialist biennium assessed. The right fights back. The fall of the Azaña government. The dissolution of parliament and the November elections. The CNT’s abstentionist campaign. The left defeated at the polls. The rising of 8 December. The repression. The puppet government of Lerroux. Gil Robles, arbiter of the situation. The revisionist work of the new parliament. The socialists hoist on their own petard. The Public Order legislation. The ‘Spanish Lenin’. Evolution of the alliance question. The voice of Orobón Fernández. The National Plenum of Regionals Committees. The UGT urged to make public its revolutionary aspirations. The ‘pro-alliance’ stance of the Asturian Regional Committee of the CNT. Clauses of the revolutionary alliance between the CNT and the UGT in Asturias.

Asturias, October 1934 by Helios Gómez: the Asturian miners’ strike of 1934 was brutally repressed by the Republic’s colonial troops, mainly those of the Spanish Foreign Legion and Moroccan mercenaries under General Franco. Rape, looting and summary executions were the order of the day

Chapter Five: 6 October 1934 in Asturias and in Catalonia
The Asturian Revolution. Forces on the ground. Gijón and La Felguera. The socialist party assumes the reins. The CNT’s intensive involvement. The first crucial battles. The struggle in the mining basins and the march on Oviedo. The delicate position of the cenetistas in Gijón. War industry in La Felguera. The loss of Gijón, José María Martínez perishes. The troops of the Foreign Legion and the regulares advance with air support. The last manifesto from the Revolutionary Committee. Faces of the revolution. The movement elsewhere in Spain. The revolutionary programme of the PSOE. Catalonia’s 8 October. The repression.

Chapter Six: The end of the ‘black biennium’ and the Popular Front triumphant
The caretaker government of Portela Valladares. The build-up to the elections. 30,000 prisoners as an election issue. The Popular Front and the enigma of the Confederation. ‘Beware of the Red Card!’. The emergence of a climate favouring alliance. Catalonia’s unions urgently summoned to meet. The Regional Conference of unions. Historic document from the AIT. The CNT’s stance vis-à-vis the elections. The proposition on revolutionary alliances. The result of the elections. Agitation in military circles. A prophetic manifesto from the CNT National Committee. The transferral of power. A disgraceful memorandum from the Minister of War. ”The Spanish military are the very models of selflessness and loyalty”. Parliamentary exchanges. Azaña’s speech.

Chapter Seven: From the Zaragoza congress to 19 July 1936
The confederal congress in Zaragoza. The schism healed. Analysis of activities. The scheme for a revolutionary alliance. The CNT’s peasant membership and the agrarian reform. The Confederation’s concept of libertarian communism. Strikes, repression, provocations and attentats. The state of emergency and clamp-down on the press. General Franco on the horizon. The ‘belligerent’ government. The death of Calvo Sotelo. Mussolini, godfather of the revolt. The right declares civil war from the very floor of parliament. “Radio Valencia here!” The tragic jocularity of the Prime Minister.

Chapter Eight: Spain in flames
The revolt breaks out. The government boasts that it has the wherewithal to restore normality. The attitude of the Popular Front. Casares Quiroga steps down. The makeshift government of Martínez Barrio. The War Ministry offered to General Mola. The CNT response. The CNT crushes fascism in Barcelona. The epic contest in Madrid. The Delegates Junta in Valencia. How Zaragoza was brought to heel. Asturias and the ‘Mola Plan’. The Basque Country springs a surprise. Galicia the martyr. The battle for Andalusia. A map of Spain on 19 July. Bridge across the Straits. The race for Madrid. The glorious feats of the sailors.

Chapter Nine: The revolutionary achievement
The CNT-FAI victory in Catalonia. ‘Dictatorship or collaboration’. President Companys places himself in the hands of the CNT–FAI. The Anti-fascist Militias’ Committee. Durruti on the road to Zaragoza. “Comrade, do not allow yourself be disarmed!” The Local Federation of Unions orders a return to work. “Twenty centuries are watching us!” The revolutionary timidity of the superior committees. The revolution springs from the people. The unions get the wheels of industry and the economy rolling. The taboo on foreign holidays. Seizures and collectivisations. Foreign fleets standing by to intervene and mount a blockade. The revolution’s order. “Avengers, yes! Murderers, never!” Revolutionary justice. Blueshirt cannibalism.

Chapter Ten: The dilemma of revolution and war
The power and determination of the union. A manifesto from the CNT National Committee. The central government orders all call-up of conscripts. The draftees refused to return to the barracks. The CNT-FAI against the military mobilisation order. Mobilisation by Anti-Fascist Militias’ Committee. The Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils. The first CNT-FAI rally. The Control Patrols. The Economic Council. The New Unified School. The CNT, UGT, FAI and PSUC Liaison Committee. An article by Peiró: “Facing facts”.

Chapter Eleven: The CNT in the government of Catalonia
Largo Caballero as premier. The CNT is invited to collaborate. ‘The futility of the government’. The significance of the new cabinet. ‘First win the war‘. The CNT’s National Plenum of Regional Committees. The National Defence Council. The period of grace expires. Address to public opinion. The first Regional Plenum of the unions of Catalonia. The financial blockade. The CNT incorporated in the Generalitat government. Comments and explanations. Political declaration of the new government. The Anti-Fascist Militias’ Committee dissolved. Durruti in the rearguard and in the front lines. “We renounce everything, except victory”.

Chapter Twelve: The CNT in the government of the Republic
The Regional Council of Aragón. The Council’s declaration. Opposition from Stalinists and from the government. The evolution of the Council. The Basque Statute. The Asturian Regional Council. The CNT in the municipal councils. The pact with the communists. The rally in the Monumental bullring. The Collectivisations Decree. Peiró’s speech. The ‘transitional regime’. The CNT joins the central government. The cabinet reshuffle. The Confederation beatifies the government and the state. The fatalist mentality. Reactions from anarchists abroad. The natural bias.

Chapter Thirteen: Politics and revolution
Durruti in Madrid. The hero’s death. The government moves to Valencia. The Delegated Defence Junta. Towards the ‘’People’s Army’. The disarmament of the populace proceeds. The first clash. The Central Regional Committee’s statement on the Yagüe incident. The ‘Iron Column’ in the rearguard. A step towards trade union unity from above. “Either the government is surplus to requirements or the committees are”. The nation’s gold en route to Moscow. The Trojan horse of Soviet aid. The petite bourgeoisie. The apple of discord. Antonov-Ovseenko, polemicist. “How come no attack along the Aragón front?” The crisis in the Generalitat. Declaration by the CNT Regional Committee. The new ‘non-party’ government.

Chapter Fourteen: Consequences of the Confederation’s collaboration
Transfiguration of the CNT. Compromise and dualism. The government army in the rear. The Security militias. The return of the Alfonsine brass hats. The ‘dialectic of history’. The Unified Security Corps. The anarchist opposition. The organisational life of the Confederation. The first plenums. The Supply Committees. The crisis of functional federalism. The first regional congress of peasants. The confederal norms to be adhered to.

Chapter Fifteen: The Collectivisations
Review of the Spanish economy prior to 19 July. Foreign investment in Spain. Distribution of landed property. Agrarian reform and revolutionary collectivism. The revolution in the Catalan countryside. In the Aragonese countryside. In the Levante region. In Castile. The revolution in industry. Control committees. Collectivised enterprises. The family wage. Text of the Collectivisations Decree of 24 October 1936.

A chronology of José Peirats’s major writings

Index

LIVING UTOPIA (One of the finest documentaries on the social achievements of the Spanish Revolution of 1936-1937)