Apr 112014

BusquetsCoverAtado y bien atado por Juan Busquets (con la Asociación de Presos Políticos del Franquismo en Francia). Edición Kindle en Español, 2014 Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  —  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR! UK : £1.86 ; USA : $3.00 ; Germany : €2.26 ; France :  €2.26 ; Spain:  €2.26 ; Italy:  €2.26 ; Japan: ¥ 310 ; India: R180 : Canada: CDN$ 3.29 ; Brazil: R$6.71 ; Mexico: $39.01 ; Australia: $3.23

Juan Busquets, former guerrilla and author of Twenty Years in Franco’s Jails. An Anarchist in Franco’s Prisons, explains how Franco’s victims, especially the maquis, have been deliberately written out of history by Spain’s post-Francoist governments. His starting point is that the current monarchy is a continuation of Franco regime and that little has changed in the last 40 years in which Franco’s victims have been consistently sidelined and discriminated against by the stewards of the current Borbón monarchy: Suarez, Calvo Sotelo, Felipe Gonzalez, Aznar, Zapatero, Rajoy, and Montilla. The book tells of the author’s struggle to reclaim the memory of the anti-Francoist maquis, and his analysis of the post-Franco years of the dictator’s annointed successor, Juan Carlos Borbón y Borbón, the head of state charged with fulfilling Franco’s legacy for Spain, one that remains virtually intact — as the title indicates – ‘tightly tied and well trussed up’ (Atado y bien atado). Busquets (with additional texts from the ‘Association of Political Prisoners of Franco in France’ — APPFF), gives voice to the memories of another Spain: libertarian, republican, federal, secular, and confederal, and pays tribute to the thousands of imprisoned, exiled and murdered anti-Francoists who were silenced, ignored or demonised as bandits and terrorists. S.C.

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Mar 272014

 3. “Bennett’s Pets”

aa_news_1930s-Henry_Ford's_Man_BennettAmong the feverishly active workers at the River Rouge Plant, there were always a number of conspicuously idle men. Muscular hulking fellows, with broken noses, cauliflower ears and scarred faces, they sauntered up and down the busy assembly lines, stood beside the doorways to the various shops, and hovered near the gates leading into the plant. They were members of the Service Department’s strong-arm unit. Ford workers called them “Bennett’s pets.”

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Mar 042014

StammheimcoverTHE STAMMHEIM DEATHS, ‘Suicide Most Foul. CPAR 4 (Kindle edition). First published by ChristieBooks in 2014 —  Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  — £1.23/€1.49/$2.00  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR!

UK : £1.23 ; USA : $2.00 ; Germany : €1.49 ; France :  €1.49 ; Spain:  €1.49 ; Italy:  €1.49 ; Japan: ¥ 204 ; India: R124 : Canada: CDN$ 2.21 ; Brazil: R$4.69 ; Mexico: $26.50 ; Australia: $2.24

Jan-CarlRaspeRadio broadcasts on the morning of October 18, 1977 were full of news about the reported suicide of Jan Carl Raspe, Gudrun Ensslin and Andreas Baader, and of the attempted suicide of Irmgard Möller. The evening’s television news brought more of the same. “Three suicides — a signal for new terror?”1 reported the front page of Die Welt, one of the largest daily newspapers in Germany; “Hostages free — Suicides in Stammheim”2 read the headlines in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung; “Three Baader-Meinhof prisoners commit suicide”3 appeared sprawled across the front page of the Westfälische Rundschau; and the version in the Westdeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung was “Suicide: Baader, Raspe, Ensslin.”4

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Feb 282014
Henry Ford (July 30, 1863 – April 7, 1947)
Ford has directly created and distributed more wealth than any other man since the beginning of time. None of his wealth and consequent employment was at the expense of any one or anything.
From “Way to Wealth, an article by Samuel Crowther published in the Saturday Evening Post on May 17, 1930.
Maybe we were endowed by our creator
With certain inalienable rights including
The right to assemble in peace and petition . . ..
Maybe God Almighty wrote it out
We could shoot off our mouths where we pleased  
   and with what and no Thank-yous
But try it at River Rouge with the Ford militia.
Try it if Mister Ford’s opinions are otherwise.
Try it and see where you land with your back broken . . .
            From Land of the Free, by Archibald MacLeish


1. Man and Myth

“We’ll never recognize the United Automobile Workers or any other union,” declared Henry Ford after all other leading auto manufacturers had signed contracts with the UAW. “Labor unions are the worst thing that ever struck the earth.”

No other American industrialist had waged so ruthlessly effective a fight as Henry Ford against trade unions; and the passage of the Wagner Labor Act had by no means diminished his determination to see that his employees remained unorganized. Ford had long regarded himself as above the laws of the land.

In the three and a half decades that had elapsed since Ford first experimented in an empty stable in Detroit with a strange looking contraption resembling a large perambulator with a motor in the back, the once obscure mechanic had become one of the richest and most powerful men in the world.

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Feb 082014

Walter C. Teagle (left), president of Standard Oil and chairman of the Industrial Relations Committee of the Special Conference Committee. On the right is Roger D. Lapham, President of the American Hawaiian Steamship Company.

Chapter IX 6  The General Staff

Once each year during the turbulent New Deal era, a small group of immensely powerful American millionaires gathered with great secrecy in Room 3115 at 30 Rockefeller Plaza in New York City. The group called itself the “Special Conference Committee.”

The cryptic inscription on the door of Room 31 15 at 30 Rockefeller Plaza— ‘Edward S. Cowdrick, Consultant in Industrial Relations”— offered no clue to the business that the Special Conference Committee conducted at this office. The Committee was not listed in the telephone directory; its name appeared on no letterheads; and all Committee minutes, records and communications were marked Strictly Confidential,

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Feb 072014

South Chicago, May 30 1937

Chapter IX 5  “Lest We Forget”

The date was May 30, 1937, Memorial Day, the national holiday in honor of American soldiers fallen in battle. The place was a large open field adjoining the Republic Steel plant in South Chicago.

By mid-afternoon, almost a thousand men, women and children had gathered at one end of the field. They were striking Republic Steel workers and their families, workers from other industries, friends and sympathizers. They had come to parade past the Republic Steel factory as a demonstration to protest the company’s anti-labor policies.

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Feb 062014

July 5, 1934, San Francisco: during the longshoremen and seamen’s strike of 1934 two strikers were shot dead outside a strike kitchen by policemen, an action that triggered the historic (and ‘successful’) San Francisco General Strike which ended on July 19, 1934.

Chapter IX 4  Techniques of Terror

In later years, the Congress of Industrial Organizations, with its 6,000,000 members, was to be almost universally recognized as a vital and integral part of American society. But in the mid-thirties, those labouring men and women who set out to build the CIO were often treated as common criminals, were widely branded as “Communist conspirators” and traitors to their country, repeatedly jailed, driven from town after town, and blacklisted in every major industry.

During 1935-1937, more than 47,000 workers were arrested while participating in trade union struggles in America . . .

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Feb 042014

Dilling1Chapter IX 3 Gas and Guns

“Labor difficulties are in the making all over the country,” wrote Barker H. Bailey, vice-president of the Federal Laboratories, Inc., of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, in a letter to one of the company’s travelling salesmen in the spring of 1934. “The man who has a territory with any appreciable amount of manufacturing . . . certainly should be on the look-out for advantageous outlets for the protective devices which we have. It looks to me like the year 1934 may be a very beautiful one for all of our men.”

The Federal Laboratories “protective devices” to which Vice President Barker referred in his letter consisted of machine guns, submachine guns, revolvers, automatic pistols, shot-guns, rifles, armoured cars, gas guns, gas ejectors, gas mortars, ammunition, bulletproof vests, tear and sickening gas, gas projectiles, gas masks and similar supplies.

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Feb 022014

Huberman_LaborSpy_ModernAge_frontChapter IX 2 Blackguards and Blacklists

“We see no reflection in any way in the employment of detectives,” an attorney representing the Michigan Manufacturers Association told the members of the Senate Civil Liberties Committee in 1937. “‘Detective’ and ‘spy’ are two names that are used in a derogatory sense, but even a spy has a necessary place in time of war.”

In the war against trade unionism in America, labor espionage had long been regarded by big business as a weapon of vital importance. For more than half a century, secret battalions of professional labor spies, detectives, agents-provocateurs and paid informers had been waging clandestine warfare against the labor movement. But it was not until the advent of the New Deal, and the outmoding of the crude strikebreaking tactics of the Bergoff era, that labor espionage operations reached their peak offensive.

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