Aug 232014
 

AnodelaVictoriaEL ANO DE LA VICTORIA. Memorias de la Guerra Civil Española 1936-39 por Eduardo de Guzmán. (Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles) NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £2.47  READ INSIDE!

UK : £2.47 ; USA : $4.00 ; Germany : €3.08; France :  €3.08 ; Spain:  €3.08 ; Italy :  €3.08 ; Japan : ¥ 409 ; Canada : CDN$ 4.36 ; Brazil : R$ 8.86 ; Mexico: $52.30 ; Australia : $4.29 ; India : R243

Nacido en Villada (Palencia) en 1909 pero residente en Madrid hace medio siglo, Eduardo de Guzmán inicía muy joven sus actividades profesionales trabajando en diversos periódicos. En 1930 es nombrado redactor jefe del diario madrileño «La Tierra», cargo que desempeña durante cinco años. En 1935 pasa a «La Libertad» como editorialista y redactor político. En febrero de 1937 se le designa director del periódico matutino «Castilla Libre», órgano de la C.N T en la capital de España.

THE YEAR OF VICTORY is the second volume (in Spanish) of Eduardo de Guzmán’s riveting memoir, telling the story of Spain’s social revolution and Civil War, and the aftermath of the Francoist victory. It gives an unputdownable first-hand account of the tragic fate of defeated republican prisoners detained at the port of Alicante on 1 April 1939. Guzmán’s richly descriptive story of their gruelling three-month odyssey which took them, from Alicante, through the horrors of the Los Almendros and Albatera concentration camps, to their ultimate destination, a sinister Falangist building in Madrid’s Calle de Almargo. The book exposes the entire repressive apparatus of Francoist bloodlust in the aftermath of ‘victory’.

The author was editor of the Madrid-based Castilla Libre, the daily newspaper of the revolutionary workers’ union, the National Confederation of Labour (CNT), between February 1937 and March 1939. For me he is the Spanish Solzhenitsyn – the chronicler and indicter of one of Europe’s most enduring and bloodsoaked fascist regimes, one that killed more Spaniards than Hitler killed Germans. Guzmán’s insights and painstaking descriptions of his fellow prisoners, guards, conditions of confinement – the whole world of captivity – had me gripped all the way, from the fall of Alicante until the moment he and his comrades are delivered into the hands of the triumphalist, spiteful secret police and Falangist captors. My personal memories date from 24 years after the events described here — and are nowhere near as dramatic — but all the same I recognise each and every one of the situations and characters — oppressors and victims — and empathise with the latter every step of the way. One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich exposed the brutalities of Stalin’s faraway prison system, Guzmán’s The Year of Victory does the same for Franco’s ignored gulag archipelago just the other side of the Pyrenees. The pity is that this three-volume Civil War masterpiece — La muerte de la esperanza (1973); El año de la victoria (1974) and Nosotros los asesinos: memorias de la guerra de España (1976) — remains more or less unrecognised in the very country whose history, vast areas of which still remain suppressed today — albeit more subtly — he tells so movingly.

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Apr 292014
 

HIGH TREASON The Plot Against the People by Albert E. Kahn NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £2.58 READ INSIDE  Check out all KINDLE Christiebooks titles HERE  UK : £2.58 ; USA : $4.13France :  €3.29 ; Spain:  €3.29 ; Italy :  €3.29 ; Germany: €3.29 ; Holland: 3.29 ; Japan : ¥ 449Canada: CDN$ 4.51 ; Brazil : R$ 9.91 ; Mexico: $53.93 ; Australia : $4.55 ; India : R245 — ALSO NOW AVAILABLE ON KOBO UK, etc.: £3.00 Check out all ChristieBooks titles on Kobo HERE

DANGEROUS AMERICANS

Holocaust German Am Bund March NYC 2 Hi Res

German American Bund October 1938 march on 86th Street in New York City.

There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding these [Axis] agents.

President Franklin D. Roosevelt, December 29, 1940.

In the United States we have many of our compatriots and even more friends among the citizens of the United States who are favourably disposed toward us. Many of the latter hold important positions in political and economic life.

From a speech delivered in Berlin in 1940 by Reichsminister R. Walter Darre.

I. Secret Offensive

The Axis war against America did not begin on December 7, 1941, with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The momentous events of that morning climaxed a secret war that the German, Japanese and Italian General Staffs had been waging against the United States for almost a decade. The major battles of this undeclared war were fought on American soil.

During the 1930s a huge fifth column apparatus of Axis-inspired organizations, pro-Nazi propaganda centres, military-espionage and racist terrorist cells, ramified through every phase of American life. When Hitler’s mechanized legions swept into Poland on September I, 1939, and launched the Second World War, there were already more than 700 fascist organizations operating in the United States.

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Apr 112014
 

BusquetsCoverNewAtado y bien atado por Juan Busquets (con la Asociación de Presos Políticos del Franquismo en Francia). Edición Kindle en Español, 2014 Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  —  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR! UK : £1.86 ; USA : $3.00 ; Germany : €2.26 ; France :  €2.26 ; Spain:  €2.26 ; Italy:  €2.26 ; Japan: ¥ 310 ; India: R180 : Canada: CDN$ 3.29 ; Brazil: R$6.71 ; Mexico: $39.01 ; Australia: $3.23

Juan Busquets, former guerrilla and author of Twenty Years in Franco’s Jails. An Anarchist in Franco’s Prisons, explains how Franco’s victims, especially the maquis, have been deliberately written out of history by Spain’s post-Francoist governments. His starting point is that the current monarchy is a continuation of Franco regime and that little has changed in the last 40 years in which Franco’s victims have been consistently sidelined and discriminated against by the stewards of the current Borbón monarchy: Suarez, Calvo Sotelo, Felipe Gonzalez, Aznar, Zapatero, Rajoy, and Montilla. The book tells of the author’s struggle to reclaim the memory of the anti-Francoist maquis, and his analysis of the post-Franco years of the dictator’s annointed successor, Juan Carlos Borbón y Borbón, the head of state charged with fulfilling Franco’s legacy for Spain, one that remains virtually intact — as the title indicates – ‘tightly tied and well trussed up’ (Atado y bien atado). Busquets (with additional texts from the ‘Association of Political Prisoners of Franco in France’ — APPFF), gives voice to the memories of another Spain: libertarian, republican, federal, secular, and confederal, and pays tribute to the thousands of imprisoned, exiled and murdered anti-Francoists who were silenced, ignored or demonised as bandits and terrorists. S.C.

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Feb 092013
 
SDC2012

Tropea, Italy, August 2012: Stefano Delle Chiaie at the launch of his memoir ‘L’aquila e il condor’

 With the publication (in Italian) of Stefano Delle Chiaie‘s memoir ‘L’aquila e il condor‘ (The Eagle and The Condor — see filmed interview below – with SDC (aka ‘Shorty’), Ugo Maria Tassinari of Forza Nuova, Michele La Torre, and Manuel Grillo), a Bolivian comrade asked us to establish from SDC’s account what he (‘Shorty’) claims he was doing during his time in South America. We asked Paul Sharkey to share his thoughts/notes on the memoirs of this particularly pernicious character. Of equal interest is what ‘Shorty’ didn’t say about the Bolivian paramilitary death squads known as Los Novios de la Muerte, nor was there any satisfactory explanation as to his links with Klaus Barbie or how he was able to access such high political and military levels in Spain and Latin America.

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Feb 032013
 
unamuno

MIGUEL DE UNAMUNO Y JUGO (1864-1936)

Spain’s most eminent poet, philosopher, novelist and essayist of modern times, Don MIGUEL DE UNAMUNO Y JUGO, Professor of Greek at Salamanca University, became its rector in 1901, but was removed in 1914 for political reasons (in the 1920s the dictator Primo de Rivera exiled him to the Canary Islands). Re-elected in 1931 with the advent of the Republic he was  made rector for life in 1934, and in 1936 he entered the Cortes as an independent republican.

Astray1

General Millán Astray (1879-1954)

The oldest of the “generation of 98” (the new wave in literature and politics that emerged in the aftermath of the Cuban War) he described himself as a “sower of doubt and an agitator of consciences”. Disillusioned with the republic, the military coup of July 1936 found him in Salamanca, the heart of nationalist territory. Initially, a supporter of the military revolt, believing it to be an attempt to “restore order”, within three months he had come to realise the true nature of Franco’s New Order. As an admirer of some of the young Falangists, he had contributed money to the rising, but by 12 October his view had changed. He had become, as he said later, ‘terrified by the character that this civil war was taking, really horrible, due to a collective mental illness, an epidemic of madness, with a pathological substratum’.

When the great National Festival of 12 October was celebrated in Salamanca University  — within a hundred yards of Franco’s headquarters (recently established in the bishop’s palace in Salamanca, on the prelate’s invitation) — it was supposed he was another captive intellectual . . .

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Aug 062012
 

Farquhar McHarg, Belleville, Paris, 1976

¡Pistoleros! 1 – 1918

¡Pistoleros! 2 – 1919

Farquhar’s Chronicles (Vols. 1 ; 2 ; 3 )are folk history, bringing the changes that shook the political and social landscape of Spain (and the world) between 1918 and 1977 into the framework of a contemporary adult lifetime. They make a vexatious but fascinating story that explains the spirit and Idea that moved the selfless, generous, occasionally naïve and recklessly idealistic people involved in the bitter social struggles that marked the hectic insurrectionary and utopian aftermath of the great imperialist war of 1914-18.

This third volume of Farquhar McHarg’s journal focuses on the remarkable adventures of the Glaswegian anarchist during the period 1920-24 as a member of the anarchist action groups: Los Justicieros (‘the Avengers’); Crisol (‘Crucible’); Los Solidarios (‘Solidarity’), and the armed clandestine defence cadres of the CNT, the anarcho-syndicalist labour union. Their militants faced extermination from the calculated violence of the security services of a vicious semi-feudal state, and the mercenary killers employed by landed grandees and an equally savage industrial and commercial bourgeoisie.

Pistoleros! 2 – 1920-1924 (to 1977)

Farquhar’s Chronicles also tell a parallel narrative of plot and counterplot, ranging from 1936 to 1976, exploring the background to the murder of Farquhar’s comrade, the notorious anarchist counterfeiter and facilitator Laureano Cerrada Santos, and the subsequent attempts to kill the seventy-six-year-old Farquhar himself. It is a compelling and dramatic tale of the Govan man’s attempt to ferret out the identity of a long-term traitor within the Spanish émigré anarcho-syndicalist organisation, the CNT-MLE (Spanish Libertarian Movement), a confidente known only as ‘The Priest’.

Farquhar McHarg 1925

This story unfolds against the backdrop of machinations by Spanish and other Western spymasters obsessed with the idea that post-Franco Spain might go ‘Red’. To pre-empt this eventuality they deployed deep-penetration agents of influence, traitors at the highest level of the Spanish émigré anarcho-syndicalist movement. By inducing fear and paranoia through acts of treachery, their objective was to demoralise, disrupt and neutralise the effectiveness of that small band of anarchist militants who had fought relentlessly to topple the old regime by aggressive action and who might thwart their plans for a post-Francoist Spain.

Farquhar McHarg 1959

Farquhar McHarg 1976

These puppetmasters also sought to extend and consolidate their proxy control over the influential anarcho-syndicalist organisation inside and outside of Spain during the ‘disease-prone’ transition period to democracy’ (communism being defined as a ‘disease of transition’). It was the height of the Cold War and, with Spain’s dictator dead, the West’s geopolitical agenda-setters needed to ensure NATO hegemony over the Mediterranean, and the continuity of the Francoist agenda (and elite) at a time when they believed Spanish society would be particularly susceptible to a social breakdown as it underwent modernisation.

PHOTO ALBUMS Vol. 1: 1918 a ; 1918 b ; 1918 c

PHOTO ALBUMS Vol. 2: 1919 a ; 1919 b

PHOTO ALBUMS Vol. 3: 1920-24 a ; 1920-24 b ; 1920-24 c

 

Jan 302012
 

Banca Nazionale dell'Agricoltura, Piazza Fontana, Milan, December 12, 4.37 p.m. 1969

The Piazza Fontana massacre of 12 December 1969 is a crucial milestone in post-war Italian history. It was on that date that the criminal intentions of a political class — which demonstrated it would shrink from nothing to cling on to power in the face of ‘the onward march of communism’ — was made flesh. This class did not baulk at leaving a trail of corpses in its wake in order to prevent its leadership being called into question. The Piazza Fontana massacre is not some ‘obscure episode’ in Italy’s history — ‘the nightfall of the republic’. It is a clearly defined chapter whose narrative is that dead bodies are preferable to political change and over the years that followed many more would perish — mainly at the hands of the right, but also some at the hands of the left. It was a perverted game. The right had attacked, therefore the left had a duty to retaliate, thereby cranking up the ‘index of conflict’.

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Nov 192011
 

Days of Historical Memory (Cazalla de la Sierra, Seville)

Events programme for the ‘Days of Historical Memory’ to be celebrated in Cazalla de la Sierra (Seville) on 25 and 26 November 2011

Programa de las Jornadas de Memoria Histórica de Cazalla de la Sierra, que tendrán lugar los días 25 y 26 de Noviembre. Tlf. 659459554

Asociación Memoria Histórica y Justicia de Andalucía, Avd. Blas Infante 4, 8ª planta, 41010 Sevilla

Programme

Programme 'Jornadas de Memoria Histórica de Cazalla de la Sierra' (PDF)

Nov 142011
 

Alfredo Pérez Rubalcaba

I READ RECENTLY in the Spanish press that on the eve of your public debate with the PP candidate you voiced – in the presence of volunteers gathered at PSOE headquarters and before an open microphone – your “concern” with “the feeling, primarily affecting people on the left, that nothing is worth the candle, the argument that ‘they have us on the run’ and which leads to formulas such as: voting is not worth the bother; why should we vote?” In the light of predictive polls, which lead one to think that that mind-set – which leads on to abstention or to the floating voter – had become embedded in ‘millions’ of former socialist voters, such concern and loss of morale on your part is quite understandable. Not so understandable, however, is the fact that your loss of morale should prompt you to whinge rather than face up to your responsibilities: “If our people, our voters, are staying at home because they cannot be bothered, then the left really does have a problem.”

Yes, Mr Rubalcaba, it both defies understanding and is dishonest of you to try to blame such failure on the left rather than on your own party, the PSOE and the two governments in which you have featured. For, as you very well know, it is your party the PSOE and the socialist governments of the last two parliaments that are responsible for “millions” of erstwhile socialist voters refusing to vote for you today, and for the fact that all your efforts to harness the votes of leftwing voters to the purposes of your candidacy have come to nothing.

Yes, Mr Rubalcaba, what is held against you — all of you — is not just the anti-social policies implemented by the socialist government during the last parliament, but also your craven refusal to get on with the “complete rehabilitation of the victims of Francoist dictatorship”, to quote the promise you made in 2004 when you announced the setting-up of the Inter-Ministerial Commission for that very purpose. A promise that still remains unhonoured after nearly twelve years of socialist governments, and despite the passing of the 2007 Law that you claimed would achieve that purpose.

Yes, Mr Rubalcaba, not a single one of the verdicts handed down by the Dictatorship’s repressive courts on those who fought for the very freedoms enshrined in the constitution today has yet been overturned. Thousands of victims of shootings, buried in common graves, are still “missing” and not a single official finger is being lifted to recover them. Franco’s remains will continue in the basilica in the Valle de los Caidos, Francoist insignia will remain on display in our streets and squares, and I am to carry on waiting for the Office for Victims of the Civil War and Dictatorship (OVGCD) – set up under the provisions of the “Historical Memory” Law – to get around to issuing me with my certificate as a victim of Francoism that I was told I would receive no later than 10 January 2010, as you are very well aware. This certificate, this ‘piece of paper’ which merely acknowledges that we, the victims of Francoist reprisals, were, in the words of the document, ‘unfairly’ convicted by ‘unlawful courts’, is your way of trying todraw a veil over your cowardly failure to overturn the verdicts handed down by Francoist courts.

Yes, Mr Rubalcaba, not one of these promises has yet been honoured, and there is every indication that there was never any real intention that they would be. It is obvious that Mr Rajoy’s government will not honour them in your place.

So, small wonder then, Mr Rubalcaba, that for the many millions of Spaniards you have taken for a ride over twelve years of socialist government it is now ‘pay-back’ time.

In my own case, Mr Rubacalba, let me make it clear that I do not feel in any way deceived or let down. The PSOE’s policy throughout the ‘transition’ and the policies of socialist governments from Felipe González through to Zapatero, had persuaded me that the Spanish socialists were deferring to the Church, the army and the press. I had no expectation whatsoever that such deference might not carry over into my own case; less still that you should attempt to conceal your abject failure to honour your commitment with grotesque and unworthy excuses for your unprincipled abandoning of the problem, leaving its resolution to the government of the Partido Popular. (PDF and ISSUU)

Yours sincerely
Stuart Christie
(15/11/2011)

En Castellano: Carta abierta al candidato Rubalcaba  de Stuart Christie
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Nov 022011
 

 

José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero (PSOE)

Rojo y Negro, 17 October 2011-11-02

Gee, thanks Mr Zapatero!

Thanks for what you, with your government and the help of your PSOE party, have done over two parliaments for historical memory and for the rehabilitation of the victims of the Francoist dictatorship.

Not forgetting, of course, what you have done to preserve the social gains bought at the price of so much struggle and sacrifice in the past.

Oh, and thanks for leaving the ground so ripe for Rajoy and  his PP party to carry on with the consolidation of the Democracy so blighted by social injustice and amnesia and “stitched up” by Franco when he departed.

A Democracy which, thanks to its “stabilisation” measures, has brought about a 4.4% cut in average household income in 2010, hoisting the numbers of Spaniards living below the poverty line to 21.8%. According to the “Living Conditions Survey” of the National Statistical Institute, that is: a one per cent increase on 2009!

Mariano Rajoy (leader of the Partido Popular)

A Democracy that, some 30 years on from the death of the Dictator, shamefully upholds all of the sentences handed down by the Dictatorship’s repressive courts on those who fought for the freedoms now ironically enshrined in its constitution.

Thanks, Mr Zapatero, for going away smug about having passed the craven Historical Memory Law that never even managed to overturn the sentences passed on the Catalan president Lluis Companys and the poet Miguel Hernández. An ignominious law that has introduced and enshrined in lawl the distinction to be made between the victims of Francoism, by splitting them into two types and affording the families of those who perished between 1936 and 1968 compensation payments fourteen times less than the sums afforded to those who lost their lives between 1968 and 1978.

A law which has also done nothing to “transform” the basilica in the Valle de los Caídos into what you said would be a space for “reconciliation in the best spirit of the Transition”, since the panel of experts appointed by your government decided to deliver, after 20 November, the “report” that was to have been ready this month. Yet another display of your cowardice … So Franco stays on and will stay on in the Valle de los Caídos: since Rajoy is not going to be the one who gives the go-ahead for his exhumation.

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