LA CORRIENTE — El pensamiento antiautoritario Luis Andrés Edo (Kindle and Kobo eBook editions)

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Apr 032015
 

LaCorrienteamendedLA CORRIENTE El pensamiento antiautoritario por Luis Andrés Edo — Look Inside
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ChristieBooks on KOBO  — LA CORRIENTE El pensamiento antiautoritario por Luis Andrés Edo £3.00

Luis Andrés Edo (1925-2009) pasaba largos años en prisión (1966-1972) y no sólo durante el franquismo, también en 1980, en plena transición, será durante más de un año preso gubernativo, sin acusación concreta alguna. En aquel año, en el Penal de Soria los presos realizan largos y acalorados debates. Los anarquistas son ya menos que los estalinistas del PCE y del PSUC, que se autodenominan comunistas. Como fruto de estos debates y como producto de una reflexión interior, Luis Andrés elabora este manuscrito, escrito en folios de papel cebolla y sacado clandestinamente de la cárcel gracias a la colaboración de Miguel García, también preso.

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WHAT IS PROPERTY? An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (Kindle Edition) Translated from the French by Benjamin R. Tucker

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Mar 062015
 

CharlemagneWHAT IS PROPERTY? An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (Translated by Benjamin R. Tucker) LOOK INSIDE
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ChristieBooks on KOBO  — WHAT IS PROPERTY? An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon (£2.50)

Proudhon’s work is a classic for many reasons. Not only did it put a name to a tendency within socialism (“I am an Anarchist”) and raise a battle-cry against inequality (“Property is Theft!”), it also sketched a new, free, society: anarchy.

The bulk of the book contains Proudhon’s searing critique of property. This rests on two key concepts. Firstly, property allowed the owner to exploit its user (“property is theft”). Secondly, that property created authoritarian social relationships between the two (“property is despotism”). These are interrelated, as it is the oppression that property creates which ensures exploitation while the appropriation of our common heritage by the few gives the rest little alternative but to agree to such domination and let the owner appropriate the fruits of their labour. The notion that workers are free when capitalism forces them to seek employment was demonstrably false: “We who belong to the proletarian class, property excommunicates us!”

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Sep 022014
 

Edward Heath Made Me Angry: The Christie File: Part 3, 1967-1975. (The later memoirs of a West of Scotland ‘baby-boomer’) Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBook titles — £3.10  READ INSIDE!

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This third volume of Christie’s memoirs provides the historical and political context for the international anti-Franco resistance of the anarchist ‘First of May Group’, from 1967 to the dictator’s death in 1975. It is a first-hand account — by someone accused but acquitted — of the campaign of anti-state and anti-capitalist bombings by diverse groups of libertarian militants who came together as the ‘Angry Brigade’ to challenge the aggressively anti-working class policies of the Tory government of Edward Heath.

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“LIBERATION” IDEOLOGIES AND TRANSFORMING SOCIETY IN THE 21ST CENTURY by Octavio Alberola (Translated by Paul Sharkey)

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Aug 262014
 

alberolagransacpalma“No longer does innovation come about through parties, trade unions, bureaucracies or politics. It is now dependent on individual moral concern. No longer do we look to political theory for an indication of what we should be doing; we need no tutors. The change is ideological and it runs deep.”

(M Foucault, 1978)

Back in 1978 I opened an article on the topic “Ethics and Revolution – the dialectical tension of the age” [i] with the quotation above from Michel Foucault; not merely to underline the change that was taking place in terms of social transformation but also because it struck me that that change was of great significance to anarchism and liberation struggles.

More than three decades have now passed since then and the course of history has repeatedly borne out what, back then, was more than plain to be seen: that “innovation no longer comes about through parties, trade unions, bureaucracies and politics”, that “nobody looks to political theory any more for guidance as to what we should be doing” and that “we have no need of tutors”. This does not mean, however, that there is not still an insistence – coming from various strands of the left (institutional left and supposedly “alternative” left alike) – upon the need to theorise about action before setting about it and that some grassroots groups are not still on the look-out for tutors …

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Revolution 1: What do we mean by ‘revolution’? – An anarchist answer by Philip Ruff

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Jun 052014
 

This article is abridged from a talk by the author to the Cambridge branch of DAM/IWA on 8 August 1985

Prise_de_la_Bastille

The Storming of the Bastille, July 14 1789

‘…you ask me what I seek in life. I wish neither to dominate nor be dominated. I wish neither to dissimulate nor deceive; nor do I wish to exert myself to acquire what I am told is necessary, but of which I do not feel the need.’ — N. G. Chernyshevsky, What Is To Be Done? (1863)

REVOLUTION is a much used term but rarely is it discussed in a way that sheds any light on what the process actually involves. Revolutionaries themselves more often than not refer to it only in passing, or in terms of some historical myth dictated by whatever their particular ideology happens to be. The actual historical events of revolutions are either overlooked or tailored to fit a prefabricated political dogma. So let us get away from this habit and look at what we mean when we talk about revolution.

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Consideraciones Morales sobre el funcionamiento de una sociedad sin gobierno por Federico Urales (Joan Montseny Caret — August 19, 1864 —March 12, 1942) Kindle edition — £1.25/€1.50/$2.00

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Jan 152014
 

UralesConsideraciones Morales sobre el funcionamiento de una sociedad sin gobierno por Federico Urales (Joan Montseny Caret — August 19, 1864 —March 12, 1942) France 1940 (Kindle edition — £1.25/€1.50/$2.00) (in Spanish). Talk first given in Barcelona in 1922 and published in 1940 by Ediciones del Movimiento Libertario Español in France. This eBook (Kindle edition) is published by ChristieBooks in conjunction with the Grupo Cultural de Estudios Sociales de Melbourne and Acracia Publications —  Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £1.25/€1.50/$2.00  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR!

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Jan 112014
 

CoverGrannywebMy Granny Made me an Anarchist: The Christie File: Part 1, 1946-1964. First published by ChristieBooks in 2002 in a limited edition of 100 copies, this fully revised, updated, unabridged eBook (Kindle edition, 2014) is published by Christie(e)Books  —  Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £2.51/€3.03/$4.00  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR!

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“This fascinating personal account offers a remarkable picture of the late-20th century, seen through sensitive eyes and interpreted by a compassionate, searching soul.” Noam Chomsky

“Stuart Christie’s granny might well disagree, given the chance, but her qualities of honesty and self-respect in a hard life were part of his development from flash Glaswegian teenager — the haircut at 15 is terrific — to the 18-year old who sets off to Spain at the end of the book as part of a plan to assassinate the Spanish dictator Franco. In the meanwhile we get a vivid picture of 1950s and early 1960s Glasgow, its cinemas, coffee bars and dance halls as well as the politics of the city, a politics informed by a whole tradition of Scottish radicalism. Not just Glasgow, because Stuart was all over Scotland living with different parts of his family, and in these chapters of the book there is a lyrical tone to the writing amplified by a sense of history of each different place. When we reach the 1960s we get a flavour of that explosion of working class creativity and talent that marked the time, as well as the real fear of nuclear war and the bold tactics used against nuclear weapons bases. It is through this period of cultural shake-up that Stuart clambers through the obstructive wreckage of labour and Bolshevik politics, and finds a still extant politics of libertarian communism that better fitted the mood of those times. Now, in 2002,it is Stuart who finds himself quoted in an Earth First pamphlet as the new generation of activists for Global Justice by-pass the dead hand of Trotskyist parties and renew the libertarian tradition.” John Barker

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Temas Esenciales del Anarquismo by Fabián Moro, France 1968 (Kindle edition — £1.26/€1.51/$2.00)

 Anarchist ideas  Comments Off on Temas Esenciales del Anarquismo by Fabián Moro, France 1968 (Kindle edition — £1.26/€1.51/$2.00)
Jan 082014
 

TemasEsencialesTemas Esenciales del Anarquismo by Fabián Moro (in Spanish). First published in 1968 by Edition CNT in the Imprimerie des Gondoles, France. This eBook (Kindle edition) is published by ChristieBooks in conjunction with the Grupo Cultural de Estudios Sociales de Melbourne and Acracia Publications —  Check out all Kindle editions of ChristieBooks titles  NOW AVAILABLE ON KINDLE — £1.26/€1.51/$2.00  READ INSIDE!  ¡LEER EL INTERIOR!

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The Negativity of Anarchism by David Thoreau Wieck

 Anarchist ideas, libertarian socialism, Polemic  Comments Off on The Negativity of Anarchism by David Thoreau Wieck
Dec 052013
 
david-wieck1

David Wieck (in the 1950s)

David Thoreau Wieck was born in St. Louis, Missouri on December 13, 1921. Named after David Henry Thoreau, he was the son of Edward A. and Agnes Burns Wieck. His mother, known as the Mother Jones of Illinois, was the daughter of a miner. She was a writer in the middle and late 1920s for the weekly journal Illinois Miner, and after training with the Women’s Trade Union League, she worked as an organizer for the Progressive Miners of America. His father was a self-educated coal miner and writer. In 1934 the Wiecks moved to New York City when Edward Wieck was hired as a research associate for the Russell Sage Foundation’s Industrial Studies Department. David Wieck joined the Young Communist League in 1935, but by 1936 had become, in his own words, a “dissident bolshevik,” much more enamored of the anarcho-syndicalists then fighting in Spain.

He enrolled at Columbia University in 1937 and graduated in 1941. He subsequently did post-graduate work toward a masters degree with Leo Wolman, writing an unpublished study of the process of centralization in the United Mine Workers of America. Registering as a conscientious objector following the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, he left New York City in early 1943 pending his appeal and was arrested in New Orleans for not notifying his draft board of his “change of address.” In July 1943 Wieck began serving a three-year sentence at the Federal Correctional Institution in Danbury, Connecticut for refusing induction into the United States Armed Services. As prisoner #2674 Wieck was involved in numerous actions protesting racial segregation in the federal prison system.

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THE PLACE OF POWER IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE by Saul Newman (International Political Science Review (2004), Vol 25, No. 2, 139–157 (a discussion document)

 anarchism, Anarchist ideas  Comments Off on THE PLACE OF POWER IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE by Saul Newman (International Political Science Review (2004), Vol 25, No. 2, 139–157 (a discussion document)
Oct 022013
 

The following article on the ‘place of power in political discourse’ by Australian political scientist/theorist Saul Newman first appeared in The International Political Science Review in 2004. The subject it deals with, the nature and concept of power — as outlined by Michel Foucalt — relates to the anarchist critique of — and struggle against— the State. We welcome any contributions to the discussion, which should be emailed to us; these will be posted in due course.

Foucault5

Michel Foucault (15 October 1926 – 25 June 1984) – French philosopher, historian of ideas, social theorist, philologist and literary critic

ABSTRACT. This article examines the concept of a central, symbolic place of power in political theory. I trace the genealogy of “place” from sovereign conceptions of power in classical political theory to the problem of state power in radical politics. I then examine the theoretical and political implications of Foucault’s reconfiguration of the concept of power, in particular, his contention that power does not have a place, but rather, is dispersed throughout the social network.  I argue that this decentralization of the concept of power denies a universal dimension that “sutures” the political field.  I critically engage with the limitations and flaws of Foucault’s theory of power, and turn to the work of Lefort and Laclau for a more viable understanding of the relationship between power, its place or non-place, and the contemporary possibilities for radical politics.

This relationship of domination is no more a “relationship” than the place where it occurs is a place. Michel Foucault  (1984:85)

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