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THE GREAT DECEPTION. How Parliamentary Democracy Duped the Workers,
THE GREAT DECEPTION. How Parliamentary Democracy Duped the Workers,
‘An elegantly argued and searing indictment of the economic and sociological background of the British political system of “representative” democracy in general, and parliamentary socialism in particular. The first hundred pages or so examine the evolution of the British Conservative Party over the past two centuries; the remaining four-fifths of the book focuses on the British Labour Party and how it corrupted the socialist ideal. An important and challenging book that should be read by ANYONE interested in politics, especially those who put their faith in the “Labour Movement”’ — Stuart Christie A hundred years or so ago socialist thinking, in tune with the rising tide of labour protest, presented a serious challenge to the capitalist hegemony. However much they differed over ultimate objectives and how to reach them, the socialists of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were at one in their conviction that possessive, individualistic, capitalism would have to be overcome to establish a just, equitable and sane society. They were equally certain that the huge advance in productive capacity which capitalism had helped to bring about, by proving that poverty could be abolished, had made such a transformation possible, immediately or at least within the near future.
Price: £1.50
FROM DEFENCE CADRES TO POPULAR MILITIAS
FROM DEFENCE CADRES TO POPULAR MILITIAS
A short history summarising the transformation of Barcelona’s CNT Defence Committees during the 1930s from their origins as street fighting units to their reorganisation as integrated combat/ intelligence formations, to their suppression by the Republic after the working class defeat of May 1937.
Price: £1.00
THE WRITER AND REALITY. Jane Austen and Her World
THE WRITER AND REALITY. Jane Austen and Her World
One hundred and ninety nine years ago, in an English country churchyard, a lady was laid to rest who enraptures the hearts of millions around the world today. She was only forty one years old, and had never married, though her thoughts were all of girls in love with love and getting wed; and from those thoughts she spun tales which still enchant us. The world of her words has the crystallised completeness of fairytale. The actual world in which she wrote was, of course, as messy as ours. And different though it was in many ways, in two absolutely fundamental respects nothing at all has changed: the division into ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, and the careful ways in which the ‘haves’ portion out their concern for those less fortunate than them. ... And so it is in reading stories. This book is dedicated to lovers of literature who have a thought to spare for the never-enough-considered undistinguished multitude who “keep those wheels a-turnin’.” This is the book about Jane Austen that you were looking for. Without presupposing any background, it takes the reader on a fascinating intellectual journey documenting the enormous contributions Austen has made to the genre of literary fiction. Carefully crafted and beautifully written, as far as books on literature go, this is a masterpiece.
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RED YEARS, BLACK YEARS Anarchist Resistance to Fascism in Italy
RED YEARS, BLACK YEARS Anarchist Resistance to Fascism in Italy
In tthese pages we have recorded some episodes in the Italian anarchist resistance to fascism, particularly in the struggle against blackshirt gangs in the 1920s, and the armed resistance to the Nazis between 1943 and 1945. A few episodes only: We have many more accounts from comrades all over Italy than are given here. To present them all would make a much larger and more fragmented work than this. We have not attempted to write the definitive history of the Italian anarchists in these struggles. That history, which has yet to be produced, would involve a more systematic search for documents and publications, and the collection of more eyewitness accounts from those involved in the fight. What we have tried to do is to break down the wall of silence which has surrounded the anarchists' part in the fight against fascism, a fight which the Italian parliamentary parties now claim to have organised and led.
Price: £1.00
 FACERÍAS Urban Guerrilla Warfare (1939-1957). The Libertarian Movement's Struggle against Francoism in Spain and in Exile
FACERÍAS Urban Guerrilla Warfare (1939-1957). The Libertarian Movement's Struggle against Francoism in Spain and in Exile
BARCELONA, Friday, 30 August 1957, 10:45 am. In the deserted Sant Andreu district of Barcelona, a burst of automatic gunfire crackles and, as if pushed by some mighty hand, a man on the corner of the Paseo Verdún and the Calle del Doctor Pi i Molist slumps against a low wall. A pistol appears in his hand. His eyes scan the tree-lined boulevard leading off to his right towards the Santa Cruz mental clinic, but he sees no sign of life. Suddenly, he realises he has been betrayed. Unseen assailants are shooting at him from windows overlooking the junction of the Paseo Urrutia and Calle del Doctor Pi i Molist. The first burst of gunfire shatters the man’s ankle. Further rifle shots ring out and bullets ricochet all around him . . . Facerías was born in Barcelona on 6 January 1920. When the Spanish army mutinied in July 1936, Face, a member of the Woodworkers’ Union of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) and of the ‘Faros’ Libertarian Youth, promptly enlisted in the Ascaso Column (the Popular Front’s 28th Division) and joined the militia columns fighting against the fascist uprising on the Aragón front. Two and a half years later, in the last stages of the fighting in Catalonia, Facerías was taken prisoner and passed through a number of concentration camps and labour battalions. On his release, in late 1945, Face rejoined the underground CNT’s Printing Trades Union, and devoted all his spare time —and some of his working hours — to clandestine activities. From March 1946 onwards he became the driving force behind the union confederation’s Defence Groups in Barcelona’s central district. In July 1947, after a brief period of imprisonment, he formed his urban guerrilla group and launched the first of many major actions: armed robberies at the Hispano-Olivetti factory and the Spanish Credit Bank in the Calle Mallorca, a robbery which netted the union over 400,000 pesetas. Facerias believed that armed struggle was the fastest way to obtain money to support the union, its gaoled members and their desperately needy families. The published and unpublished output of the author of this book, Antonio Telléz (1921-2005), was phenomenal, covering the period from Franco’s victory on 1 April 1939 to his death on 20 November 1975 — and beyond. Telléz had one main objective: to record the lives of selfless men who refused to compromise their ideals or treat with a system they found villainous and vile, men who devoted their adult lives to freeing Spain from the last of the Axis dictators. His work has made a major contribution to the movement for the recovery of historical memory which is now playing such an important part in contemporary Spanish politics.
Price: £1.50
RADICAL GLASGOW A skeletal sketch of Glasgow’s radical tradition
RADICAL GLASGOW A skeletal sketch of Glasgow’s radical tradition
A summary of some of the events and people that have helped to shape the Glasgow of today, a glimpse at a history that is sometimes difficult to find. The information contained in these pages has been gleaned from countless conversations, stories told, articles, pamphlets and books read over more years than I care to remember. My thanks goes to those friends, acquaintances and total strangers who over the years passed on some of these stories.
Price: £1.50
THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR — Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship
THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR — Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship
Anarchist Noam Chomsky’s 1969 clinical dissection of historian Gabriel Jackson’s The Spanish Republic and the Civil War:1931-1939 (in American Power and the New Mandarins) which, to quote editor Barry Pateman in his Chomsky on Anarchism, “he links to the liberal ideology prevalent in America in the 1960s, an ideology that reflects ‘an antagonism to mass movements and to social change that escapes the control of privileged elites,’ which in Jackson's work reveals itself through a regular use of negative language to describe the actions of the anarchists. Chomsky, using a rich array of historical texts, brought his points to a wide audience and influenced a new generation of researchers and militants, inspiring them to probe deeper and further. In his portrayal of Jackson's work as representing contemporary American liberal thinking on Vietnam, Chomsky impressively linked past and present, making a shrewd and disturbing comment on liberalism in general. In the words of Peter Werbe: ‘As Chomsky amply and admirably demonstrates, when the major issues of an era are settled in blood, liberalism’s pretense to humane ends or means crumbles under the demands of an implacable state.’” The original essay consists of three parts. Part I, not reproduced here, deals with the Vietnam War and the influence of intellectuals and ‘advisers’ in government and public and foreign policy. The present extract, Part II, focuses on the Spanish Civil War and how the so-called objective ‘conservative, ‘moderate’ and liberal’ intelligentsia use elite ideology and bias to manipulate and mould public opinion. Part III is Chomsky’s summation and conclusion.
Price: £1.00
The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution,
The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution,
The final, revised, edition of Burnett Bolloten’s exhaustive and indispensable, 50-year-long scholarly study of Republican/revolutionary politics in the Spanish Civil War (“The Grand Camouflage:, 1961; “The Spanish Revolution”, 1979; “The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution”, 1986), covers the entire period of the war from 1936 to 1939. Welsh-born Bolloten, initially a Communist Party fellow-traveller, was a war correspondent for United Press who witnessed at first hand the rise to power of the Stalin- and bourgeois liberal-backed Spanish Communist Party and how it successfully subverted and repressed the popular revolutionary process that resulted from the failed military-clerico-fascist pronunciamento of July 1936. "Burnett Bolloten's The Spanish Civil War: Revolution and Counterrevolution is a monument of dedicated scholarship that is not likely to be replaced. The best study of the subject in any language, it merits a place beside Gerald Brenan's The Spanish Labyrinth and Raymond Carr's Spain, 1808-1939 as a classic in the historiography of modern Spain." — Paul Avrich, Queens College, City University of New York
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ADVENTURES IN BUKHARA
ADVENTURES IN BUKHARA
Khoja Nasreddin, the central figure of this hilarious and intriguing story of the bazaars and palaces of Old Bukhara, is one of those riotously lovable characters who appear every now and again to tickle the ribs of the world. To travel with him in his adventures through the pages of this book arouses that affection we all feel for the little man facing terrific odds. By the use of a ready tongue, and the exercise of considerable impudence and ingenuity, he succeeds in turning the most unfavourable situations to the advantage of himself and his fellow dwellers in the tents of the lowly. You will enjoy every moment of these remarkable and fascinating tales from Central Asia, and you will regret parting company with Khoja Nasreddin when, having rescued the lady of his choice from the Emir’s harem, he rides from the last pages still thumbing his nose at authority
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HISTORIA DEL ANARCOSINDICALISMO ESPAÑOL Epílogo hasta nuestros días: La España del éxodo y del llanto
HISTORIA DEL ANARCOSINDICALISMO ESPAÑOL Epílogo hasta nuestros días: La España del éxodo y del llanto
HISTORIA DEL ANARCOSINDICALISMO ESPAÑOL llega en nuestra editorial a la 4a Edición. Hace ya tiempo, cuando la dictadura estaba en pleno apogeo, este libro fue uno de los primeros elementos de análisis que tuvimos de la verdadera historia de nuestro pueblo. En ella el «anarco» —como familiarmente se le llamaba— llenaba la tremenda laguna y el total desconocimiento de uno de los movimientos populares y obreros más arraigados en nuestro pueblo: el anarcosindicalismo. A muchos este libro nos ha servido para comenzar y buscar un compromiso con nuestra historia y con la realidad de explotación de la sociedad establecida. Hoy cuando el anarcosindicalismo ha renacido con evidente fuerza, volvemos a publicar este libro. El anarcosindicalismo español ha estado íntimamente ligado a la historia española desde los primeros balbuceos de organización y asociación en el movimiento obrero hasta la máxima aportación confederad en la guerra española que llevó a la colectivización de las tierras, servicios e industrias. Juan Gómez Casas, militante anarcosindicalista ya autor de numerosos estudios sobre el tema, logra en este libro que se ha convertido ya en un clásico de la historia de España y del movimiento obrero, una muy estimable síntesis del anarcosindicalismo. Cierra el libro un epílogo escrito actualmente que, con el título de «La España del éxodo y el llanto», explica sucintamente la evolución del anarcosindicalismo hasta nuestros días.
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THE ALBERT MEMORIAL. The Anarchist Life and Times of Albert Meltzer
THE ALBERT MEMORIAL. The Anarchist Life and Times of Albert Meltzer
Albert Meltzer was one of the most notable and influential figures in the British anarchist movement of the second half of the 20th century. This commemorative appreciation of Albert’s life and work by his close friend and comrade, ‘Black Flag’ cartoonist Phil Ruff, also includes contributions from his European activist contemporaries and a response to the calumnies propagated by those who attempted for several decades to revile or belittle his indefatigable efforts in the cause of human liberation.
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The False Baron von König
The False Baron von König
The so-called ‘Baron von König’ has been of interest to historians of the Spanish anarchist and anarcho-syndicalist movements since 1918, mainly because of his relationship with Superintendent Manuel Bravo Portillo, head of Barcelona’s Special Services Brigade (the then Brigada Politico-Social); that and the fact that on the latter’s death at the hands of a CNT (the anarcho-syndicalist labour union) defence group in September 1919, von König, a French secret service agent, took over as head of the pistoleros, the anti-union death squads funded by the Patronal, the Catalan employers’ confederation. Von König’s role as the killers’ gangmaster was explored in some detail in the three-volume work ‘¡Pistoleros! — The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg’, but little was known about his activities pre- and post-Spain 1914-1920. Raymond Batkin has prepared the following dossier on ‘von König’s’ background following the publication of French author Éric Maillard’s biography (in French), Rudolf Stallmann alias Baron von König - Rodolfe Lemoine alias Rex; it is the first book based on the life of Rudolf Stallmann (his birth name) from his early years in Berlin through to his death in a French military prison in 1946.
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MORAL COERCION
MORAL COERCION
Galician-born surveyor Ricardo Mella (1861-1925) is regarded by many as one of the major theorists of anarchism in Spain. His moderate tone and outlook set the keynote for fellow-anarchists in Galicia and Asturias as he oposed jacobinism, regionalism, political socialism and extremism of any hue. While many embraced Ferrer's rationalist educational methods, Mella campaigned for "neutral" education. Himself an anarcho-collectivist by inclination, he was one of those who brought Spanish anarchism out of the ghetto and into the workplace. His wide reading, incisive mind and preparedness to tackle the big subjects without going for extremist position has left a lasting imprint on the libertarian movement in Spain. In this work he considers the question — Can society really cope without law and government? What is the nature of moral coercion? How does it manifest itself in human relationships? What is its role in a free and egalitarian society? and how modern capitalist society turns moral coercion on its head.
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The International Brigades and the Comintern in the Spanish Civil War
The International Brigades and the Comintern in the Spanish Civil War
With the UK’s Foreign Recruitment Act making enlistment in a foreign army illegal, the British authorities became increasingly rigorous in their attempts to enforce non-intervention and implement the law, so Brigaders were recruited discretely through the Communist Party network by local cadres and ‘Spanish Aid Committee‘ organisers who took it on themselves to vet all volunteers, especially non-party members. Politically, around sixty per cent of the Scottish IB volunteers were paid-up CPGB members with twenty per cent or so drawn from the Labour Party, with, perhaps, a scattering of ILP, Scottish Socialist Party or Scottish Workers‘ Republican Party members. The remaining twenty per cent claimed to have no formal political allegiances. These figures were more or less the same for the whole of the British Battalion the the XVth International Brigade, although it’s impossible to say how many of the 110 Labour Party members were also — as Lewis Clive was — covert CP members. The British Battalion appears to have had at least seven ILP volunteers which to me was unusual given that the ILP line was close to that of the CNT defence committees: that the social revolution was inseparable from the war. It was for this reason that most of the I75 ILPers who fought in Spain did so with the anarcho-syndicalist militias or, like George Orwell, with the anti-Stalinist Marxist POUM. Few British workers had passports in those days so the usual practice was for the volunteers to make their way across the Channel on special weekend returns — which didn't require passports — and then travel down to Spain with the help of the efficient and well-disciplined French Communist Party— and the French authorities mostly turning a blind eye. The first batch of foreign volunteers to arrive in Spain in the autumn of I936 were obliged to surrender their passports to the ‘Foreigners’ Bureau of the Catalan Communist Party, the PSUC, then controlled by the NKVD, Stalin‘s secret police. Later the International Brigade established its own ‘Control and Security Service’ headed by Alexander Orlov, chief of NKVD operations in Spain. Their passports were never returned and were used in covert NKVD and GRU clandestine operations. There was also an IB ‘Cadre Commission‘ set up in Albacete in February 1937 to monitor and assess the ‘trustworthiness’ of volunteers and to expose 'fascist' spies and 'Trotskyist-anarchist provocateurs. A cadre report on the British Battalion, for example, listed 363 British volunteers, half of them CPers, and described forty-one them as ‘cadres', 142 as reliable, and I33 — of whom forty were Party members — as ‘weak or bad’. . .
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HOW LABOUR GOVERNED 1945-1951
HOW LABOUR GOVERNED 1945-1951
How the Labour Party governed between the years 1945 and 1951, examining their relationship with the working class and how "socialist" it really was. “I look around my colleagues and I see landlords, capitalists and lawyers. We are a cross-section of the national life and this is something that has never happened before.” — Arthur Greenwood, Labour Lord Privy Seal, Hansard, August 17, 1945.
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REPORTER IN SPAIN
REPORTER IN SPAIN
In 1936, Harry Pollitt, the then General Secretary of the Communist Party, asked CPGB member CLAUD COCKBURN (1904-1981) to cover the Spanish Civil War for the Daily Worker. In Spain, under the assumed name of Frank Pitcairn and endorsed by the CPGB, he joined the Fifth Regiment (formed by the Communist-led Antifascist Worker and Peasant Militias — Milicias Antifascistas Obreras y Campesinas — commanded by Enrique Castro Delgado) to report on the war as an ordinary soldier. The result, Reporter in Spain, was published in October 1936 by the Communist Party of Great Britain’s commercial publishing house, Lawrence & Wishart. In Homage to Catalonia (April 1938) George Orwell attacked Cockburn’s Daily Worker reports from Spain, accusing him of serving the ideological interests of the Soviet Union — particularly with regard to his partisan account of the Barcelona May Days of 1937, views that were reflected in his Soviet sponsored newsletter, ‘The Week’ (1933-1941).
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FEUDAL SOCIETY II. Social Classes and Political Organisation
FEUDAL SOCIETY II. Social Classes and Political Organisation
Feudal Society is a great work of historical synthesis in the finest French tradition. The author treats feudalism as a living and vitalising force in the society of Western Europe from the ninth to the thirteenth century. After surveying the social and intellectual conditions in which feudalism developed, Bloch examines the nature of the bond of kinship both as a predecessor and as a concomitant of vassalage. The core of the book is a masterly account of the creation of ties of dependence and of relations of lord and vassal, and the origins and nature of the fief. The nobility and their way of life, knighthood and chivalry, the clergy and other forces in society are also portrayed, and the work concludes with a discussion on feudalism as a type of society. Throughout the author treats history as a living organism and endless process of creative evolution. “Here is one of those rare books of impeccable scholarship (superbly translated by Mr Manyon) which no intelligent person could possibly read without pleasure and interest and excitement. What Bloch’s book gives us is the anatomy of an age. Some would call it sociology rather than history, or at any rate historical sociology. If so, it adds a new dimension which most historical writing lacks.”—
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SPANISH INTELLECT From the Fifth to the Nineteenth Century
SPANISH INTELLECT From the Fifth to the Nineteenth Century
It is in the history of Spain and of Scotland that he (Buckle) now seeks illustrations of these cardinal propositions. Spain and Scotland exemplify more palpably than any other modern peoples the baleful action of the protective spirit of Church and State; and the use to which he turns the history of those two countries is analogous to the value which the anatomist finds in morbid manifestations for the illustration of natural conditions. Spain is the country where the fundamental conditions of national improvement have been most flagrantly violated, and hence the country where the penalty paid for the violation has been most heavy, and where, therefore, it is most instructive to ascertain how far the prevalence of certain opinions causes the decay of the people among whom they predominate. If Spain illustrates the evil results of loyalty and superstition combined, Scotland exemplifies the evil results of superstition, but at the same time manifests how those evil results may be in part neutralized by the absence of the spirit of loyalty. It is to the elucidation of these considerations that Mr. BUCKLE has devoted the present volume, of which we shall, as a preliminary, try to give a running analysis:
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Extracts— THE CNT AT THE CROSSROADS. The Adventures of an Anarchist Heterodox
Extracts— THE CNT AT THE CROSSROADS. The Adventures of an Anarchist Heterodox
Translated extracts from the memoirs of Luis Andrés Edo, an anarchist activist whose life was dedicated to the ‘Idea’ and the struggle for liberty. Throughout his life Luis Andrés Edo remained always both an untiring activist and an intellectual dynamo of the international libertarian movement, constantly provoking thought and developing new anti-authoritarian ideas. His was the voice — the conscience if you like — of what he was proud to call ‘the Apache sector’, defending the anarchist principles of the CNT and fighting untiringly for the restoration of the union’s property and assets seized by the Francoists in 1939, and for justice for the victims of Francoism, particularly the cases of Delgado and Granado the two young anarchists garrotted in 1963 for a crime of which they were innocent. And for at least two generations of young Spanish anarchists who came into contact with him, Luis Andrés Edo was undoubtedly the inspirational role model of the post-Francoist era. From the 1950s until his death in 2009, Edo was to the libertarian movement what Jean Moulin was to the French Resistance. We have only translated four chapters, but should our financial circumstance improve we’ll translate the whole book — a unique and compelling insight into the activities (and shortcomings) of the CNT-in-exile and the wider Spanish Libertarian Movement (MLE). Chapter 1 — Arrival in Barcelona: Can Comte, My Childhood Haunt; From Can Comte to Los Campanarios Chapter 2 — The War/Revolution: The CENU; The Battle of Barcelona; The Barricade as Revolutionary Structure; May ’37; Historical notes; The Iron Column; The “Ortiz Case”; The Fall of Barcelona Chapter 4: — Exile: My First Time Deserting from the Army; Sombernon: The Great Electrical Transformer; First Contact with José Cano Flores; On the Building Squad with Miguel ‘Ferrer’ (Miguel García García); House-building in Épinal (Vosges); Moscardó in Paris and the Big Crackdown in Barcelona (October 1949); The Lyon Station Hold-up; I Join the Big ‘Gillette-Thaon’ Concern; First Clandestine Trip to Barcelona (1951); Arrested on the Figueres to Gerona Leg (1952); A Prisoner in Figueres Castle; Deserting the Army a Second Time (1954) Chapter 5 — Arrival in Paris: I Discover the Laureano Cerrada ‘Affair’; First Contacts with the Libertarian Youth and with Lucio Urtubia; Assemblyism: I Discover the Mediterranean in Paris; Launching the Clichy Local Libertarian Youth Federation; Contacts with Quico; Contacts with Laureano Cerrada; The End of Quico and his Group; Pascual Palacios: A “Fourth Dimension”; The ‘Sinking’ Operation Coordinated by Pascual Palacios; The Congress of Limoges, 1960
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LA CNT En La Encrucijada: Aventuras De Un heterodoxo
LA CNT En La Encrucijada: Aventuras De Un heterodoxo
Sin título académico alguno, Luis Andrés Edo es producto, experimental e intelectual, del asambleísmo de la CNT, de la Asamblea más importante de la historia del Exilio: La Asamblea de París, que se mantuvo funcionando durante 40 años. Luis Andrés Edo descubrió dicha Asamblea tras su segunda deserción del Ejercito en 1954 como asiduo participante, todos los domingos, hasta 1966, cuando fue capturado en Madrid por la Unidad Móvil de la Brigada Político Social. A esa formación asamblearia debe añadirse otra fase complementaria: sus diversos y prolongados pasajes (por un total de diez años) cumplidos en prisiones franquistas, donde puso a prueba toda su capacidad analítica adquirida en aquel auténtico Magisterio Asambleario citado más arriba, y se tradujo en innumerables informes sobre la situación carcelaria de aquellos años (a los que se hace referencia en este libro) y en un hecho histórico sin precedentes de las cárceles españolas, durante el franquismo: La ausencia de debates entre las diversas tendencias políticas de los presos se rompe en el Penal de Soria en 1967-68, de cuyas discusiones Luis Andrés Edo elaboró clandestinamente su libro La Corriente, de la que hace ahora una amplia referencia. Todas estas consecuencias están precedidas de los momentos históricos que se vivieron a partir del 19 de julio de 1936, en Barcelona, donde residía a sus diez años de edad, y sobre todo por la influencia del proyecto pedagógico del laicismo en la Escuela Primaria que para los niños fue como descubrir un nuevo “planeta”: el Consell de l’Escola Nova Unificada (CENU) cuya experiencia le marcaría para toda su vida. Con estas diversas, y distintas, dinámicas afrontará situaciones límites, como los interrogatorios policiales, y los acontecimientos penitenciarios, entre los que cabe destacar el primer motín de la cárcel Modelo de Barcelona (antes de la muerte de Franco), en octubre de 1975.
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 Posted by at 1:33 pm