eBookshelf

 

One Man’s War in Spain Trickery, Treachery and Thievery
One Man’s War in Spain Trickery, Treachery and Thievery
The collected memoirs and documents in this book, penned or preserved by the author with such belief and ideological conviction over so very many years of effort, can be described as a masterwork. Without euphemism or any other sort of circumlocution, they bluntly set out facts that will come as a revelation to anyone who knows only the accounts sympathetic to those who had a hand in the loss of the Revolution and War in 1936–39 – works indeed often written by counter-revolutionaries themselves to conceal the malicious intent that they so cravenly pursued. The revolutionary structures of the anarcho-syndicalist and anarchist movement were undermined to their very roots by all its foes without and within, by Bolsheviks in particular and by the cohorts of the state in general. As we read through these memoirs and documents, every line is heartrending. We learn of the treachery and criminality enacted by the supporters of collaboration against those who flatly opposed it at a time when the winning of the War by defeating Francoism ought to have been the sole priority. The author, his claims based on verifiable evidence, has tales to tell us that are nevertheless hard to credit. Such is the impact of those claims that we wonder how the Spanish Libertarian Movement could have countenanced such kow-towing to the Communist Party, the presence of communists in government and the slogans issuing from those occupying the highest positions in the FAI and the CNT. With conclusive proof and plain, open-minded reasoning, Joaquín Pérez lifts the veil on the farcical performance of those who ran the War. Citing details and supporting documentation, Joaquín Pérez is unforgiving of any one of these murderous clowns, placing all of them under the microscope and exposing their anti-revolutionary exploits. Detailing where and how the arms- and munition-purchasing deals were made, he boldly assigns the blame for arms purchases that never reached loyalist Spain and names those – such as Negrín and his lackeys – who pocketed the money and built up fortunes in foreign banks. One Man’s War is a documentation of the Spanish people’s revolutionary history in 1936–39, that part which was not squandered. Rather it should help – tomorrow or in the near future – to prevent upcoming generations from being taken for a ride and show them how to see to it that a worthwhile Social Revolution does not come to grief and can properly succeed. The book is also an account of the survival of one man’s hope, in his daughter’s words, “that his fellow men would learn to respect one another”.
Price: £1.50
COMMON SENSE
COMMON SENSE
In Common Sense, Thomas Paine argues eloquently for American independence from autocratic rule from London Whitehall, an argument that begins with more general, theoretical reflections about government and religion, then progresses onto the specifics of the colonial situation. It is also an argument that has some bearing on the current ongoing movement for Scottish independence. Distinguishing between government and society, Paine argues that the latter is all that is constructive and good that people join together to accomplish. Government, on the other hand, is an institution whose sole purpose is to protect us from our own vices. Government has its origins in the evil of man and is therefore a necessary evil at best. The sole purpose of government, he says, is to protect life, liberty and property, and that a government should be judged solely on the extent to which it accomplishes that goal. He postulates a scenario in which a small group of people has been placed on an island, and cut off from the rest of society. In time, these people develop ties with one another, and lawmaking becomes inevitable. The people will be much happier, he says, if they are responsible for the creation of the laws that govern their society them. He argues, implicitly, that such a system of representation is also better for the American colonists. Having expressed his disagreement with London’s rule in America, Paine attacks the British system of government: it is too complex, rife with contradictions, and its monarchy has far too much power. The British parliamentary system pretends to offer a reasonable system of checks and balances, but in fact it does not. Paine discusses, in general, the notions of monarchy and hereditary succession. Man, he argues, was born into a state of equality, and the distinction between king and subject is unnatural. Paine, a religious man, concludes that the practice of monarchy originates from sin, and is an institution that the Bible and God condemn. He describes hereditary succession as an abominable practice, saying that even if people were to choose to have a king, that does not legitimize that King's child becoming a future ruler. Hereditary succession, he argues, has brought with it innumerable evils, such as incompetent kings, corruption, and civil war. Having dispensed with the preliminary theoretical issues, Paine discuss the American situation. In response to the argument that America has flourished under British rule, and therefore ought to stay under the king, he says that such an argument fails to realize that America has evolved and no longer needs Britain's help. Some say that Britain has protected America, and therefore deserves allegiance, to which Paine responds that Britain has only watched over America in order to secure its own economic well-being, adding that most recently, instead of watching over the colonies, the British have been attacking them, and are undeserving of American loyalty. The colonies have little to gain from remaining attached to Britain. Commerce can be better conducted with the rest of Europe — but only after America becomes independent. If the colonies remain attached to Britain, he says, the same problems that have arisen in the past will arise in the future and that it is necessary to seek independence now. To do otherwise would only briefly cover up problems that will surely reemerge. As a colony of Britain, Paine argues that America lacks respectability on the international scene. They are seen simply as rebels unable to form substantial alliances with other nations. To prosper in the long term, the colonies need to be independent, and by declaring independence, America will be able to ask for the help of other countries in its struggle for freedom. For all of these reasons, Paine says it is imperative and urgent that the colonies declare independence.
Price: £1.00
NOSOTROS, LOS ASESINOS. Memorias de la Guerra Civil Española 1936-39
NOSOTROS, LOS ASESINOS. Memorias de la Guerra Civil Española 1936-39
En «Nosotros, los asesinos», narra Eduardo de Guzmán, con desgarrada y dolorida sinceridad, una impresionante experiencia vivida en los años más trágicos de su vida y de buena parte de los españoles. Relata los hechos como sucedieron, con precisión de fechas, nombres, apellidos y lugares. «Nosotros, los asesinos constituye un fuerte alegato contra el fanatismo, la intolerancia, la crueldad y la guerra, con cuanto esta última lleva aparejada. Es el relato de una gran tragedia colectiva y una lección para evitar que todos, dejándonos arrastrar de nuevo por el huracán de pasiones y violencias, volvamos a cometer el terrible error de descender al in?erno de una guerra civil. WE, THE ASSASSINS (Memories of the Spanish Civil War 1936–39) is the third and final volume of the powerful and moving autobiography of Eduardo de Guzmán, the editor from February 1937 to March 1939 of the Madrid-based Castilla Libre, the daily newspaper of the anarcho-syndicalist workers' union, the National Confederation of Labour (CNT). It picks up the story of the author’s odyssey through Franco’s concentration camps of Los Almendros and Albatera, via the notorious Falangist and police chekas in Madrid’s Calle de Almagro and La Calle de Alcalá, to the prisons of Yeserías and Santa Rita. Condemned to death by firing squad in January 1940, the author had his sentence reduced 16 months later to one of 30 years imprisonment. Released on conditional liberty (parole) in 1944 he was, for a short time, general secretary of clandestine National Committee of the CNT. Rearrested in 1951, he spent a year in Oviedo prison accused of espionage. Guzmán’s memoir provides a unique and gripping first-hand account of the furious repression in the aftermath of the Francoist victory of 1 April 1939. This is a richly descriptive story of the events the author lived through between the summer of 1939 and May 1941 and exposes in shocking detail the extent of Francoist brutality and bloodlust. For me, Guzmán is, undoubtedly, the Spanish Solzhenitsyn: the chronicler and indicter of one of Europe’s most enduring and bloodsoaked fascist regimes, one that killed more Spaniards than Hitler killed Germans; he is also the painstaking describer of his fellow prisoners of all political hues in their non-sectarian solidarity, of the guards, of the conditions of confinement, in fact of the whole world of post-war Francoist repression. The book had me gripped with every turn of the page, from his account of the fall of Alicantet to the moment he and his comrades were delivered into the hands of the triumphalist, spiteful secret-police and Falangist captors, and then the travails of Franco’s prisons where he faced, for 16 months, the imminent prospect of being taken out and shot. My personal memories of the Brigada Politico Social’s sótanos of the Puerta del Sol, Yeserías and Carabanchel date from more than 20 years after the events described here, and are nowhere near as dramatic; but I recognise each and every one of the situations and characters — oppressors and victims — and empathise with the latter every step of the way. Solzhenitsyn's One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich exposed the brutalities of Stalin's faraway prison system; Guzmán’s WE, THE ASSASSINS does the same for Franco’s ignored gulag archipelago just the other side of the Pyrenees. The pity is that this three-volume Civil War masterpiece — La muerte de la esperanza (1973); El año de la victoria (1974) and Nosotros, los asesinos: memorias de la guerra Civil Española (1976) — remains more or less unrecognised in the very country whose history Eduardo de Guzmán relates so movingly.
Price: £1.50
El ECO DE LOS PASOS. El anarcosindicalismo en la calle, en el Comité de Milicias, en el gobierno, en el exilio.
El ECO DE LOS PASOS. El anarcosindicalismo en la calle, en el Comité de Milicias, en el gobierno, en el exilio.
La extraordinario autobiografía de Juan García Oliver, escrita a sus 71 años desde el exilio en México y publicada originalmente por Ruedo Ibérico. En ella se narran, con prosa ágil y hasta frenética en este extraordinario testimonio, los acontecimientos de su extraordinaria vida, desde sus precoces actividades sindicales, participaciones en huelgas y encarcelaciones, hasta su nombramiento como Ministro de Justicia y su doloroso periplo de exiliado por medio mundo. Tras muchos años de silencio y de huir de todo tipo de protagonismo histórico, desde su exilio mexicano Juan García Oliver da a la publicidad sus Memorias. Anarcosindicalista de la primera hora, hombre bregado en huelgas y luchas revolucionarias, este antiguo camarero, huésped asiduo de los más duros penales de la dictadura primorriverista, había de convertirse en una de las figuras políticas claves del bando republicano. Su intervención resultó decisiva para la continuidad de la legalidad republiblicana en Catalunya tras la derrota de las fuerzas insurrectas y más tarde, siendo ya ministro de Justicia, había de convertirse en hombre-puente a quien confiar el allanamiento y suavización de los antagonismos que enfrentaban a las fuerzas en el seno de la República. De sí mismo, Juan García Oliver ha dicho: "Mi muerte será gris y posiblemente llegue con demasiado retraso." Más de medio siglo de actividad militante hacen imposible una biografía sucinta, a la manera clásica, que marque los hitos más importantes de su vida. Lo importante en García Oliver es el hilo conductor, la coherencia íntima de sus actos.
Price: £1.50
¡Pistoleros! 3:1920-24 - The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg
¡Pistoleros! 3:1920-24 - The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg
Farquhar’s Chronicles are folk history, bringing the changes that shook the political and social landscape of Spain (and the world) between 1918 and 1977 into the framework of a contemporary adult lifetime. They make a vexatious but fascinating story that explains the spirit and Idea that moved the selfless, generous, occasionally naïve and recklessly idealistic people involved in the bitter social struggles that marked the hectic insurrectionary and utopian aftermath of the great imperialist war of 1914-18. This third volume of Farquhar McHarg’s journal focuses on the remarkable adventures of the Glaswegian anarchist during the period 1920-24 as a member of the anarchist action groups: Los Justicieros (‘the Avengers’); Crisol (‘Crucible’); Los Solidarios (‘Solidarity’), and the armed clandestine defence cadres of the CNT, the anarcho-syndicalist labour union. Their militants faced extermination from the calculated violence of the security services of a vicious semi-feudal state, and the mercenary killers employed by landed grandees and an equally savage industrial and commercial bourgeoisie. Farquhar’s Chronicles also tell a parallel narrative of plot and counterplot, ranging from 1936 to 1976, exploring the background to the murder of Farquhar’s comrade, the notorious anarchist counterfeiter and facilitator Laureano Cerrada Santos, and the subsequent attempts to kill the seventy-six-year-old Farquhar himself. It is a compelling and dramatic tale of the Govan man’s attempt to ferret out the identity of a long-term traitor within the Spanish émigré anarcho-syndicalist organisation, the CNT-MLE (Spanish Libertarian Movement), a confidente known only as ‘The Priest’. This story unfolds against the backdrop of machinations by Spanish and other Western spymasters obsessed with the idea that post-Franco Spain might go ‘Red’. To pre-empt this eventuality they deployed deep-penetration agents of influence, traitors at the highest level of the Spanish émigré anarcho-syndicalist movement. By inducing fear and paranoia through acts of treachery, their objective was to demoralise, disrupt and neutralise the effectiveness of that small band of anarchist militants who had fought relentlessly to topple the old regime by aggressive action and who might thwart their plans for a post-Francoist Spain. These puppetmasters also sought to extend and consolidate their proxy control over the influential anarcho-syndicalist organisation inside and outside of Spain during the ‘disease-prone’ transition period to democracy’ (communism being defined as a ‘disease of transition’). It was the height of the Cold War and, with Spain’s dictator dead, the West’s geopolitical agenda-setters needed to ensure NATO hegemony over the Mediterranean, and the continuity of the Francoist agenda (and elite) at a time when they believed Spanish society would be particularly susceptible to social breakdown as it underwent modernisation.
Price: £1.50
¡Pistoleros! 2:1919 - The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg
¡Pistoleros! 2:1919 - The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg
Pistoleros! 2: 1919 is the second volume of the memoirs and notebooks of Farquhar McHarg, a seventy-six-year-old anarchist from the Govan district of Glasgow, the writing of which was prompted by the murder, in October 1976, of his lifelong friend, Laureano Cerrada Santos. McHarg’s Chronicles record his evolving beliefs, sense of mission and the remarkable adventures he experienced from the day he sailed into the port of Barcelona in 1918, a naïve but idealistic eighteen-year-old, and 1924, when he and his comrades of the Los Solidarios anarchist group escaped into exile across the Pyrenees in the wake of the Mussolini-style coup d’état of General Primo de Rivera.
Price: £1.50
¡Pistoleros! 1:1918 - The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg
¡Pistoleros! 1:1918 - The Chronicles of Farquhar McHarg
Paris, 1976: Gunmen kill Farquhar McHarg’s lifelong friend and fellow anarchist, forcing him into a race to document an epic history before he too is silenced. The first volume finds him dropped into Barcelona’s revolutionary underworld at the end of the great imperialist war of 1914–1918, recruited by Spanish anarchists as a go-between with Britain’s Secret Service Bureau. McHarg tells of a corrupt and brutal regime, bent on bringing a rebellious working class back under its heel, and the generous and recklessly idealistic men and women who struggled to transform it after rejecting traditional party politics ... a thrilling tale of intrigue and romance, and a sweeping inside view of the saboteurs and spies, the capitalists and bold insurrectionaries of Spain’s bloody past.
Price: £1.50
MY REVOLUTIONARY LIFE JUAN GARCÍA OLIVER Interviewed by FREDDY GÓMEZ
MY REVOLUTIONARY LIFE JUAN GARCÍA OLIVER Interviewed by FREDDY GÓMEZ
Juan García Oliver (1901-1980) was an anarcho-syndicalist militant who played a key role in the Spanish anarchist movement (CNT-FAI) from 1917 through to the end of the Spanish Civil War. When the military moved out of their barracks on 18 July 1936 he, along with Durruti, Ascaso, and other members of the ‘Nosotros’ Group, the core of the Regional CNT Defence Committee of Catalonia (the co-ordinating body of the Catalan workers’ resistance), were prepared and ready for them. From 21 July, following the defeat of the attempted fascist coup d’état, Oliver was a central figure in the events that followed, first as secretary of the Militias Committee then a Minister of Justice in the Madrid government of Largo Caballero.
Price: £1.00
Sabaté - Guerrilla Extraordinary
Sabaté - Guerrilla Extraordinary
his compelling and moving book, first published in Spanish in 1972 (and in English in 1974, and now republished as an eBook), examines the life of one of the best-known of all the Spanish resistance fighters — Francisco Sabaté Llopart, known as El Quico, General Franco’s ‘Public Enemy No. 1’. But it is more than this, for the author, Antonio Téllez, traces in detail what has been called ‘a little-known period of Spanish history’, the period that saw the development of the Anarchist resistance to the Fascist regime following the tragic end of the Spanish Civil War, a resistance that continues to this day (1974). It paints a striking picture not only of the development of resistance in Spain, but also of its too-long ignored influence on contemporary (1960s and 1970s) urban guerrilla movements in South America and in Europe.
Price: £1.50
THE STATE AND OTHER ESSAYS
THE STATE AND OTHER ESSAYS
RANDOLPH SILLIMAN BOURNE, born 1886 Bloomfield, New Jersey, died aged 32 during an influenza epidemic on 23 December 1918. A radical social critic who sympathised with the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), his literary career lasted less than ten years yet the integrity and commitment which shines through in his articles and essays in the dramatic period before and during World War One sets him apart from other intellectuals of his time. Bourne’s editor, Olaf Hansen, sums up Bourne’s legacy in his introduction to The Radical Will: Randolph Bourne Selected Writings 1911-1918 (Urizen Books, 1977): ‘Bourne’s quest for a rational community had this significance. He wanted to be a citizen of the world without giving up his vision of how much better a place it might be. His contribution to the attainment of such hopes was a radical analysis of the world’s shortcomings.’ A century later Bourne’s final essay, ‘The State’, among those included here, retains the resonance it had in 1918 — a lucid analysis of how states and governments manipulate and induce the patriotic hysteria that precedes declarations of war and ‘states of emergency’ to suit their own political and corporate ends.
Price: £1.50
ROGUE AGENTS. The Cercle and the 6I in the Private Cold War 1951 - 1991
ROGUE AGENTS. The Cercle and the 6I in the Private Cold War 1951 - 1991
"David Teacher has been researching notorious disformationist Brian Crozier and his various allies since 1988, producing the book Rogue Agents in 2008. Since then, the book has been expanded twice: once in 2011 to include later research and scans of the numerous internal documents used in its preparation, and now in 2015 to integrate newly declassified sources (State Department cables, records of Kissinger's phone-calls, private papers of Cercle participants) and recent academic publications. This final edition of a now-classic work of investigation documents the role played by the Cercle Pinay and Crozier's private intelligence service, the 6I, in supporting Franco, White South Africa, Rhodesia, Thatcher, Reagan and Strauss, and denigrating progressive politicians and forces such as Wilson, Brandt, Carter, Mitterrand and the pro-disarmament movement of the 1980s. The Cercle Pinay was founded in the early 1950s as an elite clandestine forum to promote the vision of a Catholic and conservative Europe and to oppose the threat of Communism. Shrouded in secrecy, the Cercle brought together statesmen such as Antoine Pinay, Konrad Adenauer, Franz-Josef Strauss, Giulio Andreotti, Otto von Habsburg, Henry Kissinger and David Rockefeller, as well as top figures from the U.S. and European intelligence services. Following the rise of student counter-culture in the 1960s, the Cercle focused on domestic subversion, using its network of propagandists and intelligence operatives to smear progressive politicians such as Willi Brandt, François Mitterrand, Harold Wilson and Jimmy Carter and to promote their favoured candidates: Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, Giscard d’Estaing and Franz-Josef Strauss. Throughout the 1970s, the Cercle also worked to defend apartheid South Africa and Franco’s Spain. After the electoral victory of the Right in 1979-1980, the Cercle targeted peace campaigners and the new Soviet regime under Mikhail Gorbachev, playing a key part in the fall of the Iron Curtain and then ensuring the integration of Eastern Europe into the European Union.
Price: £1.50
POLITICAL PARTIES A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracies
POLITICAL PARTIES A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracies
NB - Please email christie@btclick.com for this file (Paypal to same address) First published in German in 1911, Robert Michels’ ‘Political Parties’ is a classic of political and social science; it analyses the evolution of oligarchical power structures within political parties and trade unions, particularly those, ostensibly, most committed to egalitarian and democratic ideals — socialist parties, organisations and trade unions — including anarcho-syndicalist labour unions. Clearly and succinctly the libertarian syndicalist (at the time) Michels explains the emergence of elites and the process and dynamic by which radical parties lose sight of their radical objectives within representative parliamentary and electoral systems. His starting point is the hypothesis that in organizations committed to the realization of democratic values there inevitably arise strong oligarchic tendencies, which present a serious if not insuperable obstacle to the realization of those values. “It is organization which gives birth to the domination of the elected over the electors, of the mandatories over the mandators, of the delegates over the delegators. Who says organization says oligarchy”. Thus Michels summed up his famous “iron law of oligarchy.”
Price: £1.50
Secrets and Bombs. Piazza Fontana 1969 — Luciano Lanza
Secrets and Bombs. Piazza Fontana 1969 — Luciano Lanza
At 4.37 p.m. on 12 December 1969 — the day that Greece (under the Colonels’ Junta) was expelled from the Council of Europe — a powerful explosion ripped through the main hall of the Banca de Agricoltura in Milan’s Piazza Fontana. Sixteen people were killed and a further 88 innocent bystanders were seriously injured. Within minutes of the explosion the police and Interior Ministry had laid responsibility for the outrage at the door of the anarchists, and over the next few days over 150 of them were brought in for questioning by Inspector Luigi Calabresi, acting head of the Milan political police squad. One of these anarchists, Giuseppe Pinelli, was thrown from Calabresi’s fourth floor office window to his death in the yard below, or perhaps he was dead prior to the fall. Pinelli’s death became a national scandal and it quickly became clear that the anarchists were innocent. The bombing (along with many others, before, contemporaneously and subsequently), had in fact been carried out by fascists acting as agents of the Italian Secret Service, Federico Umberto D’Amato’s Bureau of Confidential Affairs (Interior Ministry) and by the shadowy NATO-US-backed ‘Gladio’ ‘stay-behind’ resistance organization, recruited from among the ranks of hand-chosen extreme right-wingers and neo-fascists. The objective of this ‘strategy of tension” was to ensure that leftists and Communists could not come to power in Italy by creating a psychosis of fear of the left among ordinary Italians and a desire for strong, authoritarian government. This is the story of an extraordinary chapter in Italy’s history and the still unanswered questions surrounding the massacre of the Piazza Fontana on that cold day in December, 1969
Price: £1.50
Stefano Delle Chiaie. Portrait of a 'Black' Terrorist — Stuart Christie
Stefano Delle Chiaie. Portrait of a 'Black' Terrorist — Stuart Christie
The career of Stefano Delle Chiaie spans two continents and two decades. The history of Delle Chiaie is the history of nazism in our world today. Through it we see neo-fascist terrorist organisations in their true role: agents of an inner, oligarchic power sphere which sets itself above all law and morality. On 2 August 1980 a bomb hidden in a suitcase exploded at Bologna railway station in Italy, claiming the lives of 85 innocent people and injuring over 200. The outrage at Bologna was just one more episode in what has become known as the 'Strategy of Tension' - a campaign of terror, infiltration, provocation murder (including that of anarchist Giuseppe Pinelli) that stretches back to the beginning of the 1960s and has its roots in the Cold War. But what exactly are the aims of this seemingly senseless campaign, and who are the people behind it? Of the five people named as suspects by the Italian judge investigating the outrage at Bologna, one stands out from all the rest: Stefano Delle Chiaie. Master organiser of neo-fascist terror, or someone who has been deliberately set up as such by other more shadowy figures, the name of Delle Chiaie is inextricably linked with just about every major right-wing scandal and terrorist outrage to have rocked Italy during the past two decades. The history of Delle Chiaie is the history of Nazism in our world today. Through it we see neo-fascist terrorist organisations in their true role: that of "plausibly deniable" agents of an inner oligarchic power sphere which sets itself above all law and morality.
Price: £1.50
Camilo Cienfuegos — Carlos Franqui
Camilo Cienfuegos — Carlos Franqui
Born in Havana on February 6 1932 into an immigrant working-class family of Spanish anarchists, Camilo Cienfuegos —who firmly believed in the libertarian tenets of anarchism (if not himself an anarchist) — will, forever, be inseparably linked to the idealistic period of the Cuban Revolution of 1959. Wounded and arrested in anti-Batista demonstrations in the mid-1950s Camilo sought exile in New York and, later, Mexico where he joined Castro’s ’26 July Movement’, landing in Cuba in December 1956. By 1957 he had been appointed ‘Comandante’, and on December 30 1958 his column, along with that of Che Guevara, successfully captured the provincial capital of Santa Clara. Next day the USA’s proxy dictator, Fulgencio Batista, fled Cuba. In January 1959, during the triumphal entry of the ‘barbudos’ into Havana, the 27-year-old Cienfuegos, the ‘Third Man’ of the Revolution, an exceedingly dangerous libertarian ‘leader’ , was acclaimed by millions of Cubans. Ten months later he was dead, his Cessna 310 having mysteriously disappeared after leaving Camaguey for Havana. In this account of Cienfuegos’s life Carlos Franqui, a close personal friend of Camilo, details the dramatic events and circumstances leading up to his death, events that were to change Cuba’s destiny — and the hopes and aspirations of the Cuban people.
Price: £1.50
THE WHEEL'S STILL IN SPIN — Dave Douglass
THE WHEEL'S STILL IN SPIN — Dave Douglass
THE WHEEL’S STILL IN SPIN — David Douglass was a pitman for 40 years in the coalfields of the Tyne and in South Yorkshire. This book, the second in his trilogy Stardust and Coaldust, deals with the period from the end of the 60s to the coming to power of Thatcher. In this 15-year period, dramatic events in the world revolution course around the globe. Dave Douglass transports us back to a time conventional histories have tried to forget or bury or rewrite. It is political and social history told by a direct participant in the events and not from some distant hill of academic neutrality. It has deep and insightful cameos of pit work and the recent history of the Miners Union
Price: £1.50
GEORDIES WA MENTAL — Dave Douglass
GEORDIES WA MENTAL — Dave Douglass
GEORDIES — WA MENTAL, is the first volume in the autobiographical trilogy (Stardust and Coaldust) of David John Douglass, a coalminer for 40 years. It tells the fascinating story of the radicalisation of a working-class Geordie ‘baby-boomer’ during the first twenty years of his life and provides a unique and valuable insight into the political and cultural movements of the 1960s.
Price: £1.50
A HANDBOOK ON HANGING — Charles Duff
A HANDBOOK ON HANGING — Charles Duff
Being a short Introduction to the ?ne art of Execution, and containing much useful information on Neck-Breaking, Throttling, Strangling, Asphyxiation, Decapitation and Electrocution, as well as Data and Wrinkles for Hangmen, an account of the late Mr. Berry’s method of Killing and his working list of Drops; to which is added a Hangman’: Ready Reckoner and certain other items of interest
Price: £1.50
THE ANGRY BRIGADE — Gordon Carr
THE ANGRY BRIGADE — Gordon Carr
Between 1970 and 1972 the Angry Brigade used guns and bombs in a series of symbolic attacks against property. A series of communiqués accompanied the actions, explaining the choice of targets and the Angry Brigade philosophy: autonomous organisation and attacks on property alongside other forms of militant working class action. Targets included the embassies of repressive regimes, police stations and army barracks, boutiques and factories, government departments and the homes of Cabinet ministers, the Attorney General and the Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police. These attacks on the homes of senior political figures increased the pressure for results and brought an avalanche of police raids. From the start the police were faced with the difficulty of getting to grips with a section of society they found totally alien. And were they facing an organisation — or an idea? This book covers the roots of the Angry Brigade in the revolutionary ferment of the 1960s, and follows their campaign and the police investigation to its culmination in the ‘Stoke Newington 8’ conspiracy trial at the Old Bailey — the longest criminal trial in British legal history. Gordon Carr produced the BBC documentary on the Angry Brigade and followed it up with this book. Written after extensive research — among both the libertarian opposition and the police — it remains the essential study of Britain’s first urban guerrilla group. This expanded edition contains a comprehensive chronology of the ‘Angry Decade’, extra illustrations and a police view of the Angry Brigade. Introductions by Stuart Christie and John Barker (two of the ‘Stoke Newington 8’ defendants) discuss the Angry Brigade in the political and social context of its times — and its longer-term significance.
Price: £1.50
GHOST DANCERS — Dave Douglass
GHOST DANCERS — Dave Douglass
GHOST DANCERS, the final volume in Dave Douglass’s mining trilogy, will be launched to coincide with the 25th anniversary of the end of the miners’ strike. A first-person, insider’s view, of, probably, the last generation of miners and their union. Following on Cameron’s description of ‘a broken Britain’ this book comes close to describing who broke it and how. The definitive history of the great coal strike of 1984/85 and the background to it, this book explodes all the prevailing myths around that epic period, and corrects the inaccuracies in dozens of books previously penned by academics and journalists. Written by a participant at the sharp end of that struggle, it uniquely deals with the poststrike period, which hitherto no other writer has attempted to describe, nor any commentator understood. It portrays the efforts of the miners to stay in the ring and stay on their feet, in the run-up to the John Major assault in ’92/’93 and the last stand of the miners as a social force. The book reveals the harsh internal relations within the National Union of Mineworkers in the post-strike years, set against a backdrop and commentary on other world and domestic events like the Poll Tax, the Gulf War, and the Good Friday Agreement. Inevitably, it addresses the role of Arthur Scargill both during and after the strike — which in the author’s view displays two distinct and conflicting aspects of his leadership. However, Dave shows how the central role in both periods was that played by the miners themselves organised in their Union. Dave has not sought to exclude those smaller, more personal aspects that intersect this trajectory and link the personal to the political, the major to the minor. Though it is not written in the style or with the pretensions of academic neutrality, this book will be an essential reference for any serious academic study in the future. The title of this work, Ghost Dancers, is inspired by the last stand of the Native American Indians in their efforts to retain their culture and dignity, and by the Durham Miners’ Gala as a mining equivalent of that same endeavour. The book records the last stand of the last generation of pitmen and their communities.
Price: £1.50
123 ... Last

Share and enjoy:
  • Print
  • StumbleUpon
  • Facebook
  • Twitter
  • Google Bookmarks
 Posted by at 1:33 pm